"TEATRO Dl POESIA" IN THE OPERA HOUSE:
THE COLLABORATION OF
ANTONIO SMAREGLIA AND SILVIO BENCO
Juliana Licinic
PhD
University of Edinburgh
2002
DECLARATION
This thesis has been composed by me alone and the work is entirely my own.
Juliana Licinic
A NOTE ON STYLE AND REFERENCES
The primary guidance for the details of style on which this thesis is based are The Chicago
Manual of Style 1993, 14th edition, and Kate L. Turabian 1996, A Manual for Writers of Term
Papers, Theses, and Dissertations, 6th edition, both published in Chicago by Chicago
University Press. In some instances their suggestions have been altered, such as in the use of
quotations: the style with which the quotations and their translations are incorporated in the text
corresponds with the layout of the main text; the quotations are set off, indented, and instead of
11 are given 10-point font size, in order to be presented in a compact and clear style. Numerous
quotations are included in this thesis in order to best express and sustain the points of my
discussions. All the translations are my own unless otherwise stated.
It will be noticed that the bibliography provided at the end of the thesis does not include the
articles from various Italian newspapers, such as La Perseveranza, II Corriere della Sera, II
Sole, L'Indipendente, and II Secolo. In most cases these articles are the photocopies or the
original cut-out extracts from reviews which have survived since 1897, but these are
incomplete: they often omit the name of the article, the date, or in many cases the name of the
journal they were published in. Instead of listing incomplete entries in the bibliography, we
give as full as possible footnote description of each of the articles that are referred to in the
thesis.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgement i
Abstract ii
List of illustrations iii
Chapter I: Introduction
i. Smareglia in the history of Italian opera 1
ii. "Teatro di poesia" - the idea 4
iii. Music - general features 8
iv. Purpose and scope of this thesis 16
Chapter II: Antonio Smareglia - documentary study
1. Literature review - sources on Smareglia 19
i. Correspondence 20
ii. Memoirs 22
iii. Biographies 24
iv. Critical reviews 25
v. Modern studies 27
2. Cultural biography 30
i. Istria 32
ii. Early Viennese years 32
iii. Operatic life in Milan during Smareglia's study years 33
iv. Viennese years (1887 - 1893) 39
v. Turn of the century: Pola, Trieste, Venice and Milan (1894 - 1914) 43
Chapter III: Silvio Benco
1. Introduction 59
2. Short biography 62
3. Benco as remembered in Italian literature 64
4. Benco as a librettist - ideas, characteristics and influences 69
5. Writings on music 74
6. Conclusion 76
Chapter IV: La Falena - "activity in dream"
1. Introduction 77
2. Synopsis 81
3. Decadence and La Falena 84
i. The nature of Decadence 84
ii. La Falena and the atmosphere of Decadence 90
4. Libretto 97
i. Comments on the drama: "activity in dream" 97
ii. Revisions of Falena - unpublished letters 100
iii. Literary structure - versification 107
5. Music 110
i. The image of Falena 113
ii. "Undramatic oneiric fantasy" 115
6. Conclusion 125
Chapter V: Oceana - tone poetry
1. Introduction 127
2. Synopsis 130
3. Libretto 133
i. Sources 133
ii. Benco's career around 1897 138
iii. "Teatro di poesia" 143
4. Music 146
i. Tone poetry 146
ii. Leitmotifs 154
5. Conclusion 164
6. Reception of Oceana 164
Chapter VI: Abisso - the explosion of the senses
1. Introduction 167
2. Synopsis 171
3. The Benco - Smareglia collaboration 174
4. The libretto ofAbisso 181
i. The choice of subject 181
ii. "How was Abisso created"? 183
iii. The nature of the plot 184
iv. The element of eroticism in the drama 185
5. Music 188
i. Symphonism in the opera - "dramma sinfonizzato" 189
ii. Vocal writing in Abisso - "exasperating sing-song" 198
6. Conclusion 206
Chapter VI: Conclusion
i. Summary and conclusions 209
ii. How did such libretti influence Smareglia's interpretation? 212
iii. Suggestions for future research 213
Appendices:
A. Personalia 217
B. Unpublished letters 237
C. Time lines 249
D. La Falena - music examples 253
E. Oceana - music examples 265
F. Abisso - music examples 287
Bibliography 295
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my profound gratitude, both academic and personal, to a number of people
who have helped me in the course of this study.
First and foremost gratitude goes to my supervisor, Professor David Kimbell, for his patience,
expertise, stimulus and advice in guiding me throughout my research. Secondly, I am forever
indebted to Dr. Raymond Monelle for his initial enthusiasm and encouragement to pursue a
Ph. D. study at this University.
My research would not have been possible without the financial assistance of the University of
Edinburgh Postgraduate Studentship for which I am very grateful. There are many other
persons and institutions to whom I whish to express my thanks:
the British Association of Women Graduates and the President's Fund-Edinburgh
Association ofWomen Graduates, for their additional financial assistance.
To all my colleagues at the University of Rijeka, Scientific library of Pula, in particular to its
director, Bruno Dobric, for his patience and understanding
To the Casa Musicale Sonzogno, in particular to Mrs. Patrizia and her teamwork, who have
helped me during each of my research trips to Milan. I would like to thank them in
particular for allowing me to borrow their materials for longer periods of time, as well as
for allowing me to use lengthy parts of scores in my thesis.
To the assistance of Stefano Bianchi and his colleagues at the Civico Museo Teatrale "Carlo
Schmidl", as well as to the Biblioteca Civica "A. Hortis" in Trieste, for their help in
gathering material for my work and for their permission to use some of their archival
photographs in my thesis.
1 am especially grateful to Adua Smareglia, the granddaughter of Antonio Smareglia. Her
endless help over the years in providing me with information during my visits to Italy or via
air mail has a particular value. My encounter with Adua Smareglia and the visit we paid to the
granddaughter of Silvio Benco, Anna Gruber Benco, in the Spring of 1997, is one of the most
unforgettable events of my life. My thesis is partially dedicated to Adua Smareglia and to the
memory of Anna Gruber Benco.
Finally, an enormous gratitude goes to all my friends. If it wasn't for their endless enthusiasm
and belief in me (and, gradually in Smareglia and his music!), this work would not have been
rendered possible. Although it is impossible to list everyone here I would like to take the
opportunity to express my gratitude to all the library staff, especially to Jeremy Upton, to Luisa
and Alice for checking up on my translations; to Dawn Durrant and to Jordan for their
emergency help with my music examples; to Gavin, Eddie and Paul for their useful comments
in discussing and proof reading of sections of my thesis; to my students, and to my 'Scottish'
friends who come from all over the world: to my flatmates Silvia, Diane, Maria, Antoine, Sara,
Ana, to Philip, to Nadia, to Xri and Jamie, and to those who have endured and have supported
me the most: to Peggy, my mum Olga, my sister Margaret, to Michael, baby Martin, and to my
Maarten.
ABSTRACT
This thesis attempts to demonstrate Smareglia's place in Italian opera at the turn of the 19th and
20th centuries by means of a study of Smareglia's last three operas. An investigation of the
unusual subjects and singular atmosphere of Falena, Oceana and Abisso shows their
outstanding originality, and suggests that they belong to a "poetic theatre" created by the
composer in collaboration with Silvio Benco.
The study explores the cultural background in which Smareglia worked. Since both Smareglia
and Benco have to a large extent fallen into obscurity, and are hardly remembered in the history
of opera, the first three chapters serve to introduce the two artists and define the scope of the
material included in this study. The principal focus of the thesis is provided by the three operas.
An examination of their peculiar and novel plots shows that Smareglia's musicality was
stimulated by the literary taste of his librettist. Furthermore, it will be seen how in his reaction
to Benco's undramatic stories and atmospheric settings, Smareglia moved away from the tastes
and fashions of Italian opera of the period as exemplified in the work of his better known
contemporary, Giacomo Puccini. The style of Benco's libretti and Smareglia's musical
language show how the two artists gave musical aspects priority over dramatic ones in their
determination to create a new style of opera. Absorbed in the climate of Symbolism and
Decadence, they were at their best when creating what had come to be called a "teatro di
poesia".
The research seeks to demonstrate how valuable Smareglia's contribution to the operatic
repertory was: Falena, Oceana and Abisso are more original and imaginative than most of the
operas written by his Italian contemporaries.
ii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS:
1. Antonio Smareglia in the 1880s 18
2. Antonio Smareglia in 1879 58
3. The beguiling ofMerlin, Edward Burne-Jones (1874 ) 80
4. La Falena, act I, a scene with a thief, bozzetto from 1899 83
5. La belle dame sans merci, John William Waterhouse (1893) 93
6. Albina, bozzetto from the production of 1899 100
7. Uberto, bozzetto from the production of 1899 107
8. The image of Falena from 1899 112
9. Albina, image from 1899 115
10. Smareglia and Benco around 1898 126
11. Oceana, cover page of the first edition of the libretto 129
12. The naiads at play, Arnold Bocklin (1886) 132
13. Oceana, act II, Nersa at the beach, 1903 148
14. Ers and Uls, stage design from 1903 150
15. Oceana and Uls, stage design from 1903 163
16. Abisso, stage setting of act III 170
17. The caricature of Giovannina Lucca and Antonio Smareglia 215
Chapter I - Introduction
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Diversity ofopinion about a work ofart shows
that the work is new, complex, and vital.
[Oscar Wilde, from the Preface to The Picture ofDorian Gray]
1.1 Smareglia in the history of Italian opera
Many studies have been written on Italian opera at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries.
Scholars interpret various aspects of its history, contributing to the overall picture. However,
few works are dedicated to the generation of composers usually referred to as 'da giovane
scuola" (young Italian school).' Nicolaisen's Italian Opera in Transition: 1871-1893 is perhaps
the only book which collects together most members of this generation born in the period from
the mid-1850s to mid-1860s. Nicolaisen's publication is a comprehensive study which
summarises their achievements up to 1893, since by that year a "new and flexible sort of drama
emerged" (Nicolaisen 1980: 3). Specialist studies related to Catalani, Franchetti, Mascagni,
Cilea, Giordano and particularly to Smareglia, are rare.2 It is notable that the writings on Italian
opera concentrate on the key figures, such as Verdi, in the 19th century, and Puccini, at the turn
of the 20th century. Although Nicolaisen's work is devoted in the main to Ponchielli, Boito,
Catalani and Puccini, the author groups together the rest of the generation as "the
contemporaries of Puccini".3 Smareglia is not even mentioned in Italian Opera in Transition,
since his contribution was 'coming' from abroad: in other words, for those several years
preceding 1893, Smareglia was establishing his operatic career in Vienna. Such accounts and
omissions however, can be explained by the fact that there was not much space left for minor
composers. All the attention, both scholarly and publicly, went to Verdi and Puccini and to
their exceptional achievements, their own attractive and complex artistic personalities, their
popularity and what Carner described as "universal appeal" (Carner 1992: 292).
i
Julian Budden, in his definition of "la giovane scuola" includes Catalani, Leoncavallo, Puccini, Franchetti,
Mascagni, Giordano, Cilea and Smareglia. See Julian Budden 1992, "La Giovane Scuola" in The New Grove
Dictionary ofOpera, ed. by Stanley Sadie, vol. 2, pp. 428-429.
Since 1985 several international conferences have been held, for example, on Leoncavallo, Mascagni and
Smareglia. In each case, proceedings have been published.
"The contemporaries of Puccini" include Leoncavallo, Franchetti, Mascagni, Cilea and Giordano. See Jay
Nicolaisen 1980, Italian Opera in Transition: 1871-1893, Michigan: UMI Research Press, p. 241.
1
Chapter I - Introduction
Inevitably, therefore, the picture of the late 19th and early 20th century opera is largely
conditioned by our understanding of Puccini. The consequences of such a view are both
beneficial and harmful. Because of numerous varied and in-depth studies of Puccini, such as
the encyclopedic critical biography by Mosco Carner, we are able to view the Italian operatic
scene of the period and map the cultural background to which Puccini's contemporaries belong.
In that respect, these studies are fundamental to this thesis. In addition, besides Carner and
Nicolaisen, the compendium studies such as Kimbell's Italian Opera, Budden's The Operas of
Verdi, and the writings of various Italian authors allow a deeper understanding of the period.
We are able to learn about significant issues: for example, the advent of verismo operas from
Sansone's "Verismo from Literature to Opera", and the influence of Wagner from Budden's
"Wagnerian Tendencies in Italian Opera".
On the other hand, because of Puccini's genius, little space was given to any comprehensive
and systematic treatment of other artists of his time. Even Nicolaisen encountered the problem,
pointing out that "Italian composers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries are particularly
neglected".5 There are many post-Verdian composers who never found a central place either on
the repertories or in the operatic history. There are considerable gaps in the literature. In the
study by John C. G. Waterhouse entitled The Emergence ofModern Italian Music (up to 1940)
"more than fifty minor Italian composers" emerged!6 Referring to these artists as "lesser lights",
the author summarised his discoveries:
[P]ublications on some of the more obscure among these minor composers are almost non-existent,
consisting of little more than musical dictionary-entries, contemporary reviews of particular works,
and perhaps an occasional ephemeral propaganda article. (Waterhouse, The Emergence ofModern
Italian Music, iii)
Antonio Smareglia is an example of a composer one does come across in a comprehensive
study such as the one by Waterhouse. The author recognised Smareglia, along with Catalani, as
an "escapist romantic", and a worshiper at "foreign shrines". Waterhouse saw the two artists as
young men who emerged as the most original composers during the times of scapigliatura.'
The full reference to sources mentioned are Mosco Carner 1992, Puccini: A Critical Biography, 3rd ed., London:
Duckworth & co.; David Kimbell 1991, Italian Opera, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Matteo Sansone
1987, "Verismo from Literature to Opera", University of Edinburgh Ph.D. Thesis; Julian Budden 1987, "Wagnerian
Tendencies in Italian Opera", in Music and Theatre: Essays in Honour of Winton Dean, ed. by Nigel Fortune,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 299 - 332; Julian Budden 1992, The Operas of Verdi, revised ed., 3
vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press: Calendon Paperbacks.
The author "lists" the statistics which transpire from the sources such as Grout's A History of Western Music: on
"Boito, Catalani, and Ponchielli - nothing, Puccini - one sentence ...", see Nicolaisen, Italian Opera, p. 271.
6
Waterhouse's number applied to the generation bom between 1875 and 1900. See John C. G. Waterhouse 1968,
"The Emergence of Modem Italian Music (up to 1940)", University of Oxford Ph. D. Thesis.
For a discussion on scapigliatura see Chapter II 2. iii and Chapter IV. 3. i.
2
Chapter I - Introduction
The time spent abroad in their youth (Catalani in Paris, Smareglia in Graz and Vienna), their
admiration and assimilation of foreign styles, Wagner's in particular, led them to "show signs
of new attitudes" while resisting public tastes and fashion. As a result, both Catalani and
Smareglia withdrew into themselves, ending up being two isolated composers who kept
encountering various degrees of indifference or hostility from publishers or audiences.
Although there has been a distinct lack of regard for Smareglia and his contribution to Italian
operatic history, it is interesting to note that where he and his work are discussed, the references
are complex and peculiar. In the studies of scholars such as Salvetti, Budden, Sansone and
Waterhouse, Smareglia is considered as an artist whose complex personality, unconventional
taste and musical style demands more than merely a passing mention.8 It is not simple to
categorise Smareglia, as is often done with his contemporaries, the so-called "young Italian
school". The perceptions of the authors referred to above are encountered throughout the course
of this thesis. It is especially significant that the research findings corroborate their views and
elaborate them further.
One example of a study which views Smareglia and his last three operas in a more distinctive
context is Salvetti's investigation of the Italian novecento: the composer and his works are
placed in the section dedicated to the Decadent and Symbolist dramaturgy which employed
"dannunzian" libretti. More importantly, Salvetti pointed out that, following scapigliatura,
whose influence on the composers and on the overall intellectual atmosphere was
"revolutionary" and "avvenirista", a "new type of theatre" gradually appeared. To quote
Salvetti, this was a "teatro letterato e di poesia" which emerged "in the decade of Mancinelli
and Smareglia, and in the 1900s with Busoni and Gian Francesco Malipiero" (Salvetti 1996:
373). Salvetti's discussion of the existence of an anti-theatrical operatic tendency - a "poetic"
theatre - supports the premises of this thesis. His mention of Malipiero and his desire to set
D'Annunzio's play Sogno d'un tramonto d'autunno (1897) to music is also relevant to bear in
mind, since this particular work can be regarded as one of the earliest examples of
D'Annunzio's concept of "teatro di poesia". In describing Malipiero's work, Salvetti quoted
Waterhouse: D'Annunzio's text is set to music "in uno stile di arioso sostenuto".9 In addition, it
is useful to know that Malipiero was Smareglia's student and amanuensis for some years while
8
See Guido Salvetti 1996, "II novecento italiano", in Musica in scena: Storia dello spettacolo musicale, vol. 2, part
5, ed. by Alberto Basso. Sansone's articles on "Antonio Smareglia", " 'La Falena' " and " 'Oceana' ", included in
The New Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians and in The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, are also
considered in this study.
9
In Salvetti, "II novecento italiano", p. 465, quoting from Waterhouse's book: John Waterhouse 1991, Gian
Francesco Malipiero, Rome: Eri, p. 37. Malipiero had conceived the idea of setting D'Annunzio's Sogno d'un
tramonto d'autunno in 1911, completing it just before the First World War; see John C. G. Waterhouse 1999, Gian
Francesco Malipiero (1882 - 1973): the Life, Times and Music ofa Wayward Genius, Contemporary Music Studies,
17. Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, pp. 17-18.
3
Chapter I - Introduction
Smareglia lived in Venice. Furthermore, in his earliest operatic works Malipiero collaborated
with Benco.'°
It will be seen that Smareglia's place in the history of Italian opera, the manner in which the
composer and his work were viewed, or the instances where his contributions were overlooked
will be discussed in some detail in this thesis. A more detailed discussion of D'Annunzio and
his collaboration with composers extends beyond the scope and limits of this section of
introduction. Of further relevance is the poet's involvement with the operatic stage. It began
with the members of the "young Italian school" and was carried on with the following
generation, born in the 1880s. While it is obvious that Smareglia belonged to "/a giovane
scuola", the composer seldom receives credit for it. One of the reasons for carrying out this
research is, in fact, to demonstrate how vivid his presence and how valuable his contribution
were. The study of Smareglia and his last three operas is important in order to gain a more
complete knowledge of the development of Italian opera at the turn of the century. A part of
this development concerns the unusual form of a "poetic theatre".
I. 2 "Teatro di poesia" - the idea
It is necessary to explain the title of this thesis. The rationale for choosing it is found in the way
in which the term has been used in literature and in operatic criticism at the turn of the century
in Italy. The expression is primarily encountered in connection with the literary style of
D'Annunzio, in particular with his theatrical works. My title emphasises that Smareglia and
Benco's operas belong to this category.
The element of the poetic which stands out in Smareglia's last three operas, making them
appear unusual at the time of their first performances, was an indicator which the more
perceptive critics, such as Cameroni at the time of Oceana's premiere, interpreted as "new
paths" in the composer's career. This new path can be largely explained by the fact that
Smareglia was collaborating with Benco, a writer with his own distinctive style. However, it
was also prompted by changes that were affecting the Italian literary theatre. Besides the
popularity of veristic theatre, there was a new style in the air that involved inaugurating a
10
For more about Malipiero and Smareglia, and Malipiero's collaboration with Benco, see Chapter VI and
Personalia, Appendix A. Also, see John C. G. Waterhouse, Gian Francesco Malipiero, pp. 5-6, 10, 17, 92-94, 109 -
115.
4
Chapter I - Introduction
different, more "poetic" kind of theatre. Those responsible for this innovation were
D'Annunzio and his new collaborator at the time, the actress Eleonora Duse."
It remains unclear who first actually used the term "teatro di poesia". For example, in the
preface to his play Piu che I'amore (1906), D'Annunzio's speaks of "opera di poesiaIt is
known that from the 1890s onwards, particularly from 1894, the year in which the poet and
Duse met in Venice, the expression was used to describe the kind of theatre the poet was
developing with the actress. Various studies on Eleonora Duse have pointed to the actress's
"unsparing search for higher objectives in art and a 'theatre of poetry' " (Pontiero 1982: ix).
Duse, the artist who was remembered "as one of the most expressive and magnetic actresses in
the history of modern theatre", was noted for her desire to create a modern kind of theatre
"where only the highest and noblest art shall flourish" (ibid.: 16). In an interview for Tribuna in
1898 she confided her aspirations and her search for "innovations in the Italian theatre, ... of a
new form of dramatic art 'essentially noble and pure' " (ibid.: 22). These ideas complemented
perfectly D'Annunzio's own ideas: the poet was at the time contemplating to write for theatre,
longing to create a "new modern tragedy". The art form would unite dance, poetry and music,
and restore in the theatre "admiring images, nobility of language, musicality of verse and of
prose, poeticism ofstyle" (Barsotti 1978: 18)." The first play with which he attempted to realise
his invention was La citta morta (1896).
A particular curiosity among D'Annunzio and Duse's aspirations was their plan to build,
modeled on Wagner's Bayreuth, a special festival, open-air theatre near lake Albano, south of
Rome. Although this ambitious project was never realised, what remains significant is the view
the two artists had of such a theatre: the setting was to be particularly suggestive, and would
revive a classical repertoire, following the example of Greek tragedy.'4 The projects which
Eleonora Duse (in or near Vigevano, in Lombardy 1858 - Pittsburgh 1924), one of the most celebrated Italian
actresses, who is most remembered for her interpretative roles in the works of D'Annunzio and of Ibsen. Duse
earned most laudatory opinions for her creativity and expressive acting; she is said to have had the ability to 'play
what was between the lines'. For more on Duse and on her encounter, relationship and collaboration with
D'Annunzio see William Weaver 1984, Duse: A Biography, London: Thames and Hudson, and Giovanni Pontiero
trans. 1982, Duse on Tour: Guido Noccioli's Diaries, Manchester: Manchester University Press.
12
The word "opera" in the Italian language meaning "work of art". D'Annunzio used this expression in the preface
of his play Piu che I'amore, tragedia moderna in due episodi; see Anna Barsotti 1978, "II 'teatro di poesia' ", in
Rivista Italiana di Drammaturgia 9-10, p. 26.
"La nuova tragedia moderna di G. D'Annunzio" was a title of one critic's review of D'Annunzio's Piu che
I'amore, which was performed in Rome in 1906. This play is considered to be the most complete statement of the
aims of the poet's "teatro di poesia", and is conceived as "tragedia moderna in due episodi". The full title of the
play is accompanied by the following commentary: "preceduta da un discorso e accresciuta d'un preludio d'un
intermezzo e d'un esodio".
14
D'Annunzio apparently got the idea for the Albano theatre following his visit to Orange in France where an
outdoor theatre had been built to stage Greek drama authentically. It seems that no work was ever done on building
the theatre; the poet realised his ambition years later when in the 1930s he built the Teatro del Vittoriale on the
grounds of his estate on Lake Garda. I owe this suggestion to Dr. Paul Barnaby, University of Edinburgh Library.
5
Chapter I - Introduction
would be performed in this theatre were the "works of those new artists who considered the
drama to be a revelation of beauty communicated to the crowd, and the scenic arch to be a
window opening upon an ideal transfiguration of life" (Weaver 1984: 133). The reason for
building a special theatre for these purposes, as the two artists believed, was to "revive classical
drama" in order to "capture the imagination of the Italian public and restore 'an ideal
conception of drama in its purest form' " (Pontiero 1982: 16).
Although their project met with little interest from the actors or the critics of the time, and was
continuously denounced through the press in both Italy and France, these ideas were sustained
by some artists and intellectuals, among whom were Smareglia and Benco." Clear evidence for
their plans to collaborate with D'Annunzio and his "teatro di Albano" comes to light in one of
Smareglia's unpublished letters:
Attendo La fiamma fredda per la quale ho grande curiosita. D'Annunzio ti ha mai scritto? Sai niente
del proggetto d'Albano? Nemmeno circa l'idea del poeta sulla tragedia musicale progettata e che
dovevamo fare assieme ? [Smareglia to Benco, see Appendix B, letter 1254]
[I am awaiting La fiamma fredda with great curiosity. Did D'Annunzio ever write to you? Do you
know anything of the Albano project? Anything about the idea of the poet on the musical tragedy
which was planned and which we were supposed to do together?]
Though the quoted letter remains incomplete, bearing no signature or date, it is likely that it
originated in the years between 1902 - 1904, around the time D'Annunzio and Benco began to
develop their friendship. As D'Annunzio's letters to Benco indicate, the poet was currently
helping Benco with the publishing of his novel La fiamma fredda.'6 The fact that Smareglia and
Benco planned a future collaboration with D'Annunzio, involving the theatre in Albano in
particular, stands out as strong indication of their ambition to create a new work of art. More
importantly, this letter is our direct link: it allows us to bring the expression of "teatro di
poesia" to the very front of the investigation of the three Benco - Smareglia operas.
In the case of Falena, Oceana and Abisso, the expression "poesia" refers to the concept of
Benco's libretti and to the manner in which Smareglia's music ennobled these texts. The three
operas reveal that the collaboration between the two artists was moving in the direction of
According to William Weaver the project of constmcting a theatre in Albano aroused a considerable interest at
first; thus, "committees were promptly formed - after the model of Wagner societies that supported Bayreuth - but
far less effective - and funds were offered", see William Weaver, Duse, p. 199.
16
We learn from various sources that Benco and D'Annunzio met in 1902. See also Chapter II and III.
D'Annunzio's assistance with the publishing of Benco's book is confirmed in his letter addressed to Benco. This
letter is kept in Biblioteca Civica "A. Hortis" in Trieste, catalogued as n. 31250. Benco is mentioned on several
occasions in D'Annunzio's letters to the Milan's publisher Treves, see Gabriele D'Annunzio 1999, Gabriele
D'Annunzio: lettere ai Treves, ed. by Gianni Oliva, Milan: Garzanti.
6
Chapter I - Introduction
fashioning a different kind of musical theatre. This thesis argues that the ultimate purpose of
Smareglia and Benco was to create music dramas absorbed in their poetic atmospheres, leaving
very little that was effectively dramatic (as commonly understood). This differed from the
manner of Puccini when, for example, he was creating an exotic ambience with authentic
Japanese tunes, as in Madama Butterfly. Puccini's poetic atmosphere is fused with the plot but
has no priority over the dramatic treatment. In contrast, Benco and Smareglia were creating
fantastic worlds, as in Oceana and Falena, or quasi historical, in Abisso, which were anti-
theatrical, delicate and symbolic. Such operatic worlds would produce an effect similar to what
D'Annunzio was producing with his own plays. Barsotti pointed out that the audacity of "teatro
di poesia" was a kind of dramaturgy, of scenography, of reciting-style which would boost the
performance using "stimulating atmospheres, away from the present or from the past"
(atmosfere eccitanti, fuori della storia presente come della passata) (Barsotti 1978:18).
D'Annunzio wanted to create "anti-realistic and symbolic forms" (ibid.: 26). Barsotti's view is
confirmed by D'Annunzio's own conception, which he outlined in the preface to his play Piu
che I'amore. Defining it as "tragedia moderna ... preceduta da un discorso, accresciuta d'un
preludio d'un intermezzo e d'un esodio", the poet pointed out that his play was a "work of
poetry and not ... of an empiric reality" {un'opera di poesia e non ... una realta empirica)
(ibid.: 26).
Further support for this kind of theatrical work can be found in the criticism of D'Annunzio's
writings. One example is his tragic poem in one act, II sogno di un mattino di primavera, first
staged in Venice in 1897, only two months after Smareglia and Benco's Falena had its
premiere at the city's famous theatre La Fenice. The play had a cool reception, "showed no
action as a play; matters of location and time were vaguely defined, and the work seemed to
hover uncertainly between reality and fantasy" (Pontiero 1982: 17). The French critics defined
it as a "poeme dialogue" rather than a real drama, and saw the poet's play as "childish and
pretentious ... of unrelieved boredom" (ibid.: 15). It will be seen that similar kinds of
commentaries were addressed to Benco in the case of each of the three libretti he wrote for
Smareglia. Further discussion of the concept of "teatro di poesia", will be raised in the course
of this thesis, primarily in the Chapter on Oceana.
7
Chapter I - Introduction
I. 3 Music - general features
A me sembra ... che la melodia sia la risultante di tutti quegli elementi musicali che contribuiscono
a raggiungere la sintetica espressione. [Smareglia, "Come nascono le melodie?", in Mario
Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 303]
[To me it seems that ... melody is the result of all those musical elements which contribute in
reaching an expressive synthesis.]
Smareglia's claim that melody is created when all musical elements fuse into an indivisible
whole embodies the essence of his approach to the composition of an opera. The fact that in
order to illustrate this point further he mentioned the second movement {Allegretto) from
Beethoven's Seventh Symphony and then Wagner's Prelude to Tristan und Isolde, reveals what
were the points of departure in the development of his own compositional technique. It will be
seen that the chapters of the thesis which are dedicated to the three operas, Chapters IV, V and
VI, discuss their libretti and music by analysing what, in my opinion, seem to be the most
important and most particular aspects of the three operas. This means that the studies of the
libretti, the sources and the atmospheres of Falena, Oceana and Abisso are combined with the
examination of the musical language, its quality and significance. A full music analysis of each
of them would exceed the bounds of the present thesis. In fact, a separate investigation of each
opera could extend into a thesis of its own. However, before explaining the particularities of
music in each of the chapters, it seems appropriate to introduce, in the most general terms, the
main elements of Smareglia's compositional style.
It is primarily Smareglia's music, the manner in which the composer established the moods and
drew attention to actions, which defines the style of the three operas as being poetic or what
might be called "poetic theatre". There are four principal aspects of music which enhance this
poetic effect and which are common to the three operas: symphonism, leitmotifs, the harmonic
style and the vocal writing. The most significant among them which wraps up the other three, is
an all-pervading symphonism. The musico-dramatic structure of Falena, Oceana and Abisso
reveals uninterrupted orchestral textures, a device which can be found in all post-Wagnerian
operas. However, what distinguishes Smareglia from his contemporaries is the continuous
density of these textures, and the fact that the principal generator of the drama is the orchestra.
In his approach to creating an opera, the focus of Smareglia's writing is primarily placed on
instrumental music and its efficiency; he concentrated more on what music can do rather than
on what is dramatically most effective on stage. This attitude became even more apparent after
he went blind in 1900: stimulated by a wealth of images from Benco's texts Smareglia's
symphonic imagination was able to flourish. This meant that at times his orchestral
commentary was so active that it seemed independently to articulate the drama. It will be seen
8
Chapter I - Introduction
that the composer often isolated moments of the plot, producing autonomous sections,
conveying for example, Oceana's "dance of the waves", or Falena's "hypnotic music". At
other times, Smareglia enhanced the role of the orchestra in developing extended preludes or
interludes." In the case of Oceana, for example, the extended form of its overture is a border¬
line case between a symphonic poem and a concert overture. In introducing the material from
various sections of the opera, the composer adopted the traditional logic of symphonic thought,
bringing its overall formal design close to sonata form.18
One of the devices through which Smareglia interlaces the unbroken musical flow are the
leitmotifs. Many leading themes can be found in the three operas. We can note that the
composer uses them in a manner broadly similar to Wagner's. This means that besides their
structural function they are also endowed with a dramatic significance. Although consistent in
associating these themes with specific characters (as in Oceana) or with different concepts (in
Falena), Smareglia's mode of adopting leitmotifs is not as rigorous as that of the German
composer. Furthermore, the music analysis reveals difficulties in defining a clear line between
themes, motifs and their appearances, in particular since they are richly interlaced into the
orchestral fabric. In Oceana, for example, the opera in which the dramatic element is
particularly subdued for its predominantly poetic images, many of the motifs seem to be used
with purely musical interest [such as theme linked with Nersa, see Chapter V, Example V A].
The complex picture which transpires from the scores induced several scholars, such as Levi, to
view Smareglia's leading themes as immutable and to be more reminiscence themes rather then
real leitmotifs." However, special attention will be given to the cases which confirm the
opposite. It will be seen that Smareglia's leitmotifs primarily comment on or react to the events
on the stage, changing their appearance in response to those events. In addition, we learn of
The prelude to act III of Abisso is discussed in Chapter VI.
See Vito Levi 1949, Oceana di Antonio Smareglia: piccola guida verso I'opera, Trieste: Casa Musicale Giuliana,
pp. 26 - 27. The overture of Oceana was in fact, often performed on its own. At the concert held in Trieste's theatre
Politeama Rossetti, in 1923, it was conducted by Richard Strauss.
19
Levi expressed this view on several occasions. See for example his commentary in the programme book from the
Teatro Verdi, season 1974-75, on the occasion of the staging of La Falena on 18 March 1975, conducted by
Gianandrea Gavazzeni.
9
Chapter I - Introduction
their significance from the dramatic context in which they appear; for example the motif of Uls,
several times 'announced' prior to its first appearance [see Example I. 3. A]:
Example I. 3. A
"Uls"
Largo J*= 96
"Uls motif announced"
/
iy
r?
Qj
m/
j j
HP : i & *
Although Levi accurately noted that the motifs are primarily used in their original form, in
some cases themes do undergo transformations, in their rhythmic as well as harmonic structure,
when underlining the dramatic significance of the plot. A particularly visible example can be
found in Oceana, in the motif of the sea genius, Ers: clothed with an orchestral theme of a
capricious character, his personality transfigures in order to make him appear more kind and
convincing [see Example I. 3. B], From a fast, augmented chord, the theme moves into a
placid, diatonic harmony."0
Example I. 3. B
"Ers motiP'
/
Fl. Clar. Hp.
"Ers motif transformed"
MA
The harmonic style in which these uninterrupted textures are embedded shows particular
richness. Smareglia revealed, in each of the three operas, his absorption of the advances of
20
Cf. Chapter V. 4. ii, discussion on leitmotifs.
10
Chapter I - Introduction
Wagner's harmonic language and his gift to develop his own style; in Abisso, act II, there is
Wagner-like chromaticism [see Example I. 3. C]:
Example I. 3. C -Abisso, act II, v. s. p. 134-135
ce - sli cheio li son
The analysis shows that the composer abundantly uses a variety of altered chords, or secondary
7th and 9th chords. We notice his tendency to modulate continuously, showing a preference for
positioning the most distant tonalities one next to another, or to use harmonic sequences
producing effects close to those of the Impressionists. Furthermore, there are progressions
involving a series of augmented chords, 'unresolved' discords, and shifts from major to minor
tonality, features which are recognised as characteristic of the harmonic vocabulary of Tristan.
It will be seen that Smareglia often obscures the tonal structure in his tendency to use sustained
harmonies as a basis above which there are 'decorations' of appoggiaturas, anticipations,
passing and suspension notes, or an oscillation of chord structures different to the main tonality
[see Chapter V, Example V A],
11
Chapter I - Introduction
The vocal writing holds a particular place in these three operas. What is distinctive about
Smareglia's lyricism is the manner in which the composer fuses the voice into the symphonic
texture. There is an unbroken musical flow: the orchestral polyphony fuses together with the
voice into an indivisible whole, revealing flexible and fluid melodic patterns. Characteristic for
Smareglia are the seemingly half-finished phrases which are completed or overtaken by another
voice or an instrument. The composer bonds one fragment to another into an "endless melody",
as in the Example I. 3. D: the melodic line of Hanno in act III of Abisso is completed by
Mariela:
Example 1. 3. D - Abisso, act III, orchestral score p. 25-26:
25
12
Chapter I - Introduction
Example I. 3. D - p. 26
13
Chapter I - Introduction
A further example par excellence of a vocal melody rising out of the orchestral texture is the
scene following the prelude to act III of Abisso in which Smareglia carefully integrated
Mariela's voice into the music fabric [see Chapter VI, Example VI D, a-e].
On the other hand, the analysis reveals that Smareglia also absorbed the traditions of Italian
opera, and at times communicated his ideas in a manner that is reminiscent of the intensity
reached by Puccini. Although it is generally difficult to detect aria and duet-like structures in
these operas, there are examples that produce the same effect. The flexible melodic patterns at
times develop into most expressive arioso, showing warmth and a sensuous line. One example
which will be examined later is in Abisso: the dramatic and highly charged aria of Gisca. It
consists of three principal sections which unfold in a free manner, vaguely suggesting an
'ABA' form: however the three principal sections do not correspond to the three verses of
Benco's text [see Appendix F and Chapter VI. 5.ii].
Another example which stands out can be found in Falena's lyrical arioso, "Te, te voglio", in
act II of the opera, during which for a moment, the femme fatale has an intense and irresistible
effect on the listener [see Example I. 3. E], This melodic line is a good example of the winding
chromaticism which Smareglia usually infuses in vocal parts as well as his tendency to develop
certain parts of the phrase sequentially."' The pace is moderate, its phrasing subtle and at the
same time restless, as the melody steps in a circular phrasing, often ending with a 'dropping
interval' of minor second:
Smareglia's tendency to reiterate some parts of the melodic line is one of the most frequently encountered devices
in his vocal writing. It derives from his inclination to symphonism: short one bar or half-bar phrases are the initial
material and are subject to development in the ongoing musical flow.
14
Chapter I - Introduction
Example I. 3. E - Falena, act II, v. s. p. 95
Sjpplgp
ar.sc.
As will be seen, the three operas show that in his response to Benco's texts the composer
introduced some details of style and formal principles which his works had never shown before.
The advances of these works over his earlier opera, Nozze istriane (Trieste 1895), are
considerable; the composer moved away from the realistic evocation of the drama and the
Istrian folklore suggested in Illica's libretto. The lyric realism of Nozze istriane shows an
effective musico-dramatic structure which, however, contains the traces of closed forms in the
vocal writing, vivacious parlando recitatives, and elements of Istrian folklore used for both
15
Chapter I - Introduction
decorative and dramatic effect.22 In general, if we compare Nozze istriane to the last three
operas, Smareglia's imagination had previously appeared conditioned to follow the drama more
in a traditional manner and in accordance with the fashions and tastes of the times (the verismo
operas). Falena, Oceana and Abisso have richer harmonic and melodic invention and a more
developed orchestral language. Nevertheless, it is also worth noting that many aspects of
Smareglia's musical expression were established in Nozze istriane: his tendency to develop and
fuse scenes freely according to the logic of drama, to employ dramatically significant
leitmotifs, chromatic progressions in the vocal writing, or 'sliding' modulations (such as Bflat
to Bmajor). Although he was greatly influenced by Benco's anti-theatrical stories, and in spite
of his blindness, Smareglia's attitude to these texts was freer, marking the evolution of his
opera and of what came to be labeled "poetic theatre".
1. 4 Purpose and scope of this thesis
The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate Smareglia's place in Italian opera at the turn of the
century by means of a study of his last three operas. On a broader scale however, the intention
of this thesis is multifold. It draws attention to the particular collaboration of the composer with
his librettist and it highlights the novel operatic tendency which emerged at the end of the
century - the development of "teatro di poesia". Moreover, it aims to engage the interests of
other academics and musicians, and to encourage further studies of those artists, such as
Smareglia, whom Waterhouse named "lesser lights" but who made very significant
contributions.
The first three chapters serve to introduce Smareglia and Benco and define the scope of the
material included in this study. They also provide the background (cultural, social and artistic)
in which Smareglia and his librettist worked. Since both Smareglia and Benco are scarcely to
be found in the history of literature and of opera, it is important to introduce the two artists
before actually studying in detail the operas they created together. Chapter II explores the
context of the operatic tradition which Smareglia was a part of, surveying the repertories,
tendencies and artistic climate of the period in both Italian cities and in Vienna. It presents a
discussion of the performances of his operas, as well as describing his attitudes and the
vicissitudes of life which influenced his career. The fact that Smareglia became blind just after
having completed Falena, and that he was constrained to dictate all his future works makes his
achievements all the more remarkable. The remained of the chapter look at the artists around
In the opera Smareglia uses a 'love song' - stornello, a form of an old Italian folk poetry from the 16th century, as
well as vilotta, one of the oldest dances known in Istria performed at weddings (area of Dignano). When expressing
anger vilotta changes into bottonada; this form is also employed in Nozze istriane.
16
Chapter I - Introduction
Smareglia and how the composer managed to create such original and imaginative operas as
Falena, Oceana and Abisso.
Chapter III investigates the figure of Silvio Benco. In the course of this research it became
particularly difficult to deal comprehensively with the vast amount of material which Benco
had left in his writing. Benco is a fascinating subject to study because of his contribution to
Italian literature, his patriotism, intellectualism and his involvement with music. However, as a
result, the chapter devoted to Benco is frustratingly short, and only begins to outline his
qualities and his contributions to the cultural life of the period. The emphasis was placed on his
role as Smareglia's librettist. It is hoped, however, that this thesis will stimulate future research
of Benco.
The investigation of Falena, Oceana and Abisso is structured by placing its emphasis on each
opera's most characteristic features. In this way the analyses provide a variety and at the same
time complement one another. It will be noticed that special attention has been paid to the three
libretti, to the examination of their subjects and to the sources which influenced Benco's
imagination.
The study of Falena in Chapter IV is designed in its relation to the atmosphere of fin de siecle
and the "decadent imagination" (Pierrot) which influenced Benco in inventing such a subject.
The chapter also includes a discussion of unpublished letters which refer to the alterations of
the libretto, demonstrating the falsity of those claims that Smareglia was not involved in their
fashioning. A small section is devoted to examining the literary structure of the libretto. Its
purpose was to provide a sample of Benco's versification, as the evocative and symbolic
images play such a large part in his stories. The music analysis of Falena focuses on the
manner in which the composer evoked Falena's image and the irrational world inhabited by the
two protagonists.
Chapter V on Oceana gives particular attention to the sources which inspired Benco's
imagination in creating a "fantastic comedy" situated in the sea world. The predominantly
poetic content of the story led the librettist to conceive the text in an unusual manner, providing
images which were to be animated by music. Such a picturesque story directed the composer to
create the kind of opera in which the atmospheric painting prevails over the drama.
The chapter on the last opera, Abisso, examines the nature of the plot, pointing out how
Benco's writing was absorbed by the subjects of Decadence. His fusion of two ostensibly
traditional themes within the plot (love and war) produced a story which proved to be
controversial, in particular with respect to its elements of eroticism. Smareglia's interpretation
of such a libretto resulted in particularly independent orchestral writing and in the densest
17
Chapter I - Introduction
fusion of symphonism with vocal parts. In short, the concern of chapters IV, V and VI is to see
what were the features of these operas which caused them to be considered as "poetic theatre",
and to question why they are significant.
Illustration 1: Antonio Smareglia in the 1880s, photo from Civico Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl"
in Trieste.
18
Chapter II - Documentary study
CHAPTER II
ANTONIO SMAREGLIA -DOCUMENTARY STUDY
II. 1 Literature review - sources on Smareglia
Despite the fact that very few, other than opera specialists, have heard of Antonio
Smareglia, there are quite a substantial number of sources that talk about his life and art. His
activities in cities such as Milan, Venice, Vienna, Trieste or Pola always aroused much
interest, resulting in a series of writings about him or his operas. Each opera's performance
was followed by a large number of critical reviews and, on certain occasions (such as for the
production of Nozze istriane, or Oceana) specialised studies were published in the form of
short guides that enabled the reader to have a better understanding of a particular opera's
musico-dramatic structure. This thesis is based on those materials which made the most
significant contribution to our state of knowledge about the composer, particularly those
relating to the last three operas. There is a vast amount of relevant material available, some
of which will only be mentioned as references in the bibliography for possible further
reading.
Smareglia was one of the few composers who enjoyed the privilege of having had dedicated
to him a whole series offeuilletons called Cronache Smaregliane. This was a supplement to
Cronache d'Arte, a journal published in the 1930s in Trieste by Casa Musicale Giuliana,
which was established by Smareglia's close friend, Carlo Sai.' Since the texts (mostly
without authors' signatures) were mainly an anthology, consisting of parts from older
articles and anecdotes adapted from Smareglia's life, these reviews have been of very little
use. Furthermore, there are several other publications on Smareglia, written in a passionate
and bombastic style, which refer more to the discussions that were provoked by Smareglia
rather than containing any substantial information. Two examples are a short monograph by
Gastone Zuccoli,2 which in its foreword is declared by the author to be "For an ideal of
justice!" (Per un ideale di giustizia) and "to the young Italians" (ai giovani d'ltalia), and a
short volume by Smareglia's son Ariberto.3
For more on Carlo Sai see Personalia, Appendix A.
2
Gastone Zuccoli 1923, Antonio Smareglia: monografia sulle opere del maestro con note musicali illustrative,
2"d ed., Trieste: Circolo Musicale Giuliano. This monograph seems to be the oldest review written about
Smareglia during his life. Its best features are the examples of some of the opera's main leitmotifs.
3
Ariberto Smareglia 1926, II teatro lirico nazionale negli ultimi 30 anni: il 'Caso Smareglia' e il Teatro alia
Scala, Trieste: Libreria Minerva.
19
Chapter II - Documentary study
The following part of the text will give an overview of the literature which directly
discusses Smareglia, or is related primarily to his last compositional period. The material
has been divided into the following categories:
i. Correspondence
ii. Memoirs
iii. Biographies
iv. Critical reviews
v. Modern studies.
Beginning with Smareglia's most personal and authentic documentation, which is
represented in his letters, the sequence of sources moves through remembrances and
testimonies of his closest companions, and further into journalism and more recent studies.
Each of these sources makes its own contribution towards our knowledge of the composer.
L Correspondence
Un mio amico inglese, il Prof. Joyce, diceva che tu saresti uno dei pochi uomini noti in questa
provincia, dei quali si parlerebbe fra tanti anni. [Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, p. 70]
[An English friend ofmine, Prof. Joyce, used to say that you would be one of the few well-known
men in this province, who would be talked about in many years' time.]
This comment, written by Smareglia's librettist Silvio Benco, is an example of the kind of
information that can be found in the correspondence of Antonio Smareglia: important
names, events and places but without the more detailed revelation of thoughts and feelings
that is usually found in someone's letters.
This is certainly the case if we look at the published part of Smareglia's correspondence,
which will be discussed further.4 In the course of this research, however, the author has been
able to discover a whole series of unpublished letters. There is quite an astonishing number
of them: in Trieste's archives and libraries alone there are several dozens of letters, most of
which were written by Smareglia himself.5 Since most of them have never been researched
or published, their condition is poor and only in some cases are they catalogued. Full
examination of the unpublished part of the correspondence goes beyond the limits of this
4
See Antonio Smareglia 1974, Lettere, ed. by Gianni Gori and Isabella Gallo, Napoli: Edizioni dell'Ateneo.
Some letters are kept in the archive of Biblioteca Civica in Piacenza. These letters belong to the period during
which Smareglia was working on Nozze istriane (1894-5), and was collaborating with Luigi Illica. Their texts
suggest that the correspondence between the two artists covers a longer period, from Nozze istriane to 1905, and
in some cases offer an insight into Smareglia's own aesthetic ideas and opinions on a wide range of topics (such
as on Hanslick, Wagner, verismo, Falena and Oceana). It should be noted that they were kept for a long time in
the private possession ofMario Morini, and were in 2000 given back to the public.
20
Chapter II - Documentary study
research. Nevertheless, since the preliminary inspection of some letters revealed
fundamental information which directly relates to Smareglia's collaboration with Benco, the
content of these letters has been referred to in the appropriate context. For example, a large
number of them is discussed in Chapter IV, in the section which examines the modifications
of the libretto of Falena. In addition, some of the more important letters are quoted in their
entirety, in Appendix B of this thesis.
Apart from a few manuscript scores, Smareglia's only surviving papers are a series of his
letters written to a number of correspondents in the later half of his life. In the published
edition there is a selection of 87 letters, written from about 1900 until his death in 1929.
Although the collection is relatively small, considering the fact that it extends over a period
of 30 years, Smareglia's correspondence gives us the most immediate insight into the
composer's personality, his contacts with the publishers and some of the important events in
his career. One example is Smareglia's initial involvement in the completion of Boito's
score ofNerone.6
Details found in these letters reveal that Smareglia was often abrupt and tactless in his
communication (in particular towards the conductor Toscanini). The problem was that
Smareglia was trying to control his own life and career, but could not himselfwrite because
he was blind. The fact that he had to dictate each letter to his friends or sons does not mean
that he could not have formulated them in a more diplomatic way. It did, however, lead him
to make each letter short and pragmatic, so that it does not provide us with any sort of
valuable thoughts about his artistic credo, or about the dramaturgy of his operas.7 There is
none of the extended and revealing dialogue that we find, for example, in the Verdi - Boito
correspondence.8
Antonio Smareglia's most frequent correspondent was Silvio Benco. Although Benco
summed up his close friendship with Smareglia in his Ricordi, only when reading his letters
do we realise to what extent he was engaged with Smareglia's contacts, and even the
composer's family problems. Several letters for example, mention health problems of the
composer's wife, and of the possible breakdown which was threatening their marriage.9
What is strikingly repetitive in Benco's letters are his comments about the hostility which
was constantly expressed during the performances of Smareglia's works in Trieste or Milan.
On Smareglia's involvement with the completion of Boito's score ofNerone see Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, p.
72 and pp. 126 - 128. The issue is again discussed in section II. 2.
7
An exception may be found in the numerous unpublished letters, many of which will be discussed in this thesis.
Within the published edition particularly useful are the three letters which discuss the changes in the versification
of Falena (see ibid., letter n. 13, 40 and 41). Fuller reference and examination of these changes are provided in
Chapter IV of this thesis.
8
Marcello Conati and Mario Medici, eds., 1994, The Verdi - Boito Correspondence, trans, by William Weaver,
Chicago: University ofChicago Press.
9
See letters n. 2, 3, 5, 6, as well as numerous unpublished letters (within the group of letters catalogued as "Dono
Elisa Tamburlini") kept in the archives of the Civico Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl" in Trieste.
21
Chapter II - Documentary study
Benco referred to the members of the audiences attending as "the protestors to the opera",
"the organizers of the famous campaign", or "your enemies".'0 An example of one anxious
letter written to Smareglia appears below:
Non puoi credere quale sia la rabbia dei tuoi nemici per l'andata in scena di quest'opera. Hanno
tentato coi mezzi piu bassi e vili di terrorizzare l'impresa per farla togliere dal cartellone.
[Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, p. 10].
[You cannot believe how angry your enemies are about the staging of this opera. They tried in the
most base and vile manner to scare the management in order to have it withdrawn from the season
programme.]
There are a few other details found in these letters which can rarely be read about elsewhere.
In one letter Smareglia discusses an ambitious project involving the establishment of a
publishing house with the help of Richard Wagner's son, Siegfried, with whom he had
exchanged earlier correspondence." In others we leam about the dispute which arose
between Smareglia and Toscanini. From reading just a few letters it is not hard to conclude
that the argument was caused mostly by Smareglia's impulsive, imprudent and tactless
manner. An illustration of this is found in the letter in which Smareglia withdrew his
dedication of Abisso to Toscanini, after the conductor had left out Smareglia's operas from
La Scala's repertoire in 1925. After this incident Toscanini completely ignored the
composer. The numerous letters exchanged by Smareglia with his friends, family or
colleagues also assist us to draw up a list ofpersonalia around him. Among others, there are
names such as Luigi Illica, the Viennese music critic Max Kalbeck, Luigi Mancinelli and
Arrigo Boito. More can be learnt about these artists in the memoir by Silvio Benco, Ricordi
di Antonio Smareglia.
ii. Memoirs
Benco's Ricordi di Antonio Smareglia are perhaps the best literary portrait of the
composer.'2 The reason why Benco could provide such an insight into Smareglia's character
lies in the close collaboration between the two artists while creating the operas La Falena,
10
See letters n. 1, 34, 35, 36.
n
See letter n. 12. The project failed due to Ricordi's exclusive rights for Wagner's opera performed in Italian
(which he inherited from Lucca). However, similar ambitions were shared by other contemporaries of Smareglia
(Mascagni for example), due to Ricordi's (and to an extent Sonzogno's) enomious power in the music publishing
and control over the operatic repertories in Italy. See Bianca Maria Antolini 1997, "L'editoria musicale in Italia
negli anni di Puccini", in Giacomo Puccini: I'uomo, it musicista, il panorama europeo. Atti del Convegno
internazionale di sludi su Giacomo Puccini net 70 anniversario delta morte, ed. by G. Ravenni e C. Gianturco,
Studi Musicali Toscani, 4, Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, pp. 354-355.
Silvio Benco 1968, Ricordi di Antonio Smareglia, Trieste: Edizioni Umana. The original manuscript is kept in
Biblioteca Civica "A. Hortis" in Trieste.
22
Chapter II - Documentary study
Oceana and Abisso. Their partnership and close friendship is even more important because
both of them were at crucial moments of their career when they met: Smareglia in his last
compositional phase, and Benco at a susceptible period during the early stages of his career
as a journalist and writer.
Benco's Ricordi, which he wrote while in confinement in Austria in 1944, are his vivid
memories of the cultural environment in and around Trieste, in which both he and Smareglia
participated. In his flowing narration of "memories, chronicle fragments, anecdotes and ...
perhaps indiscretions", Benco depicted the manner in which Smareglia's operas were
created and performed throughout various stages of the composer's career.13 Although it
never gives exact dates, from this source, along with the collection of the composer's letters,
we are able to draw an account of important events and personalities around Smareglia
which proves to be very useful. The value of Benco's publication is its authentic information
on which we can rely when reconstructing Smareglia's life. Furthermore, by having engaged
himself in something new such as the writing of libretti for Smareglia, in time Benco
developed his own artistic beliefs. His enthusiasm for the themes typical of the fin-de-siecle
(such as the world of dreams and eroticism), for the art of Wagner, D'Annunzio and
Smareglia, as well as for the theatre and music in general, were expressed by Benco in his
novels, in a collection of his Musical Writings and in a series of essays on art and
14
literature. It is significant that Benco wrote his memoir of Smareglia about fifteen years
after the composer's death. This period of reflection gave him another, more mature
perspective on Italian opera at that time, allowing through his "analytical and conciliatory"
tone of expression, the occasion to reflect upon Smareglia's feelings:15
Perche comporre? Aveva li tante opere: ... tutte segnate di quanto era piu eletto nella sua natura di
musicista, tutte degne di stare a paro con le migliori musiche che si scrivessero in quel tempo:
nessuno vi poneva attenzione ... . Perche comporre?... Per il calcolo di un editore, il corto fiato
d'un cantante, il malumore d'un giomalista, poteva essere stroncato ai primi passi, forse per
sempre, anche il cammino d'un capolavoro. [Benco, Ricordi, pp. 118-9]
[Why compose? There he had many operas... impregnated with his best qualities as a musician, all
worthy of standing alongside the best operas written at that time: nobody paid any attention to
them ... Why compose? Because of a publisher's calculations, a singer's short breath, a
journalist's bad temper. Even the path of a masterpiece could be cut short at its first steps.]
"[D]ei ricordi, dei brandelli di cronaca, degli aneddoti, e magari, ... delle indiscrezioni...", ibid., p. 67.
14
See Silvio Benco 1974, Scritti musicali di Silvio Benco, ed. by Gianni Gori and Isabella Gallo, Milano:
Riccardo Ricciardi Editore; Silvio Benco 1977, Scritti di critica letteraria e Jigurativa, ed. by Oliviero H.
Bianchi, Bruno Maier and Sauro Pesante, Trieste: Edizioni Lint and also, Silvio Benco 1922, La corsa del tempo,
ed. by Umberto Saba, 2nd ed., Trieste: Casa Editrice Parnaso.
15
This is how Benco's writing was viewed by a critic Remigio Marini in an article from La Voce Libera, 26
March 1949.
23
Chapter II - Documentary study
These sentiments expressed by Benco reveal his genuine appreciation for Smareglia's work
and his sympathy and understanding of the difficult position he had been placed in. Benco
felt a sense of outrage that Smareglia had been treated unfairly and was overlooked by
publishers of the time. This is one of the major incentives for writing a thesis which will
draw attention to the operas of Smareglia and will hopefully encourage others to reassess his
work.
iiu Biographies
An even more in-depth account of Smareglia's personality and the personal and professional
relationships he built during his life is provided by his sons in their biographies. Mario and
Ariberto Smareglia each wrote a monograph on their father which are the only eye-witness
and comprehensive studies of Smareglia.'6 Although both of these publications are designed
as studies of the composer within 19th-century Italian musical theatre, in their contents they
complement one another: the detailed account of Smareglia's life and work given by
Ariberto is complemented by Mario's collection of critical reviews and essays.
The main advantage of these studies is that they refer to a multitude of people and list all the
events which involved Smareglia. In fact, Ariberto's work purports to be such an exhaustive
biographical survey of Smareglia's life that, at times, one must be careful with its
credibility.'7 On the other hand, the diligently assembled articles and essays in Mario's
publication give us an insight into the atmosphere at the premieres of Smareglia's operas as
well as presenting the essays, rarely accessible in other publications, written by the
composer himself.'8
Another conspicuous feature of both volumes is their passionate and ardent manner of
narration, for example the defensive tone in the forewords, with which the authors
confronted the hostility that was directed towards the composer in Trieste around 1930.
Mario Smareglia limited himself to a generalised discussion about Smareglia's "enemies",
dealing more with what he called the "publisher's speculative and arbitrary acts" which
16
Mario Smareglia 1934, Antonio Smareglia nella storia del teatro melodrammatico italiano dell'ottocento
attraverso le critiche e scritti raccolti da Mario Smareglia, Pola: Libreria Editrice Smareglia, and Ariberto
Smareglia 1936, Vita ed arte di Antonio Smareglia: tin capitolo di storia del teatro lirico italiano, 2nd ed.,
Bellinzona: Arturo Salvioni & co.
17
An example is Ariberto's account of Smareglia's audition to present his opera II Vassallo di Szigeth, which
took place in 1889 in Vienna, under the direction of Hans Richter. Apparently, Johannes Brahms had heard the
general rehearsal and had commented to Richter: "Finally, you are performing an opera that deserves to be
performed" (Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, pp. 44-45). Ariberto goes even further in recalling that event,
mentioning that the young Richard Strauss was in the audience, applauding! Unfortunately, there is no evidence
to support this anecdote either in the Brahms or Strauss' literature.
>8
Among the writings by Smareglia are a few short reflections on Arrigo Boito, Hans Richter and Richard
Strauss.
24
Chapter II - Documentary study
resulted in the unjust treatment of the composer during his life." On the other hand, Ariberto
entitled his introduction, "Contribution to a Triestine debate" (Per una polemica triestina),
shedding light on a campaign launched against Smareglia's music by the irredentisti.20 We
learn that these campaigns had harmed the popularity of Smareglia's art, and it is
understandable why both of the authors feel indignant about critics of their father's work.
Nevertheless, the disadvantage of these family testimonies lies in their overcoloured
interpretation of the episodes of Smareglia's life as well as in their tendency to exaggerate in
praising Smareglia's musical contributions at the turn of the century.
iv. Critical reviews
The large number of articles dedicated to Smareglia in the newspapers can be divided into
those written during Smareglia's life, and the more recent reviews written mostly in the
second half of the 20th century. The main difference between these two groups of reviews is
in the issues they dealt with: while the older ones had a tendency to make critical
judgements of Smareglia's work, the more recent reviews emphasised the importance of the
revival and reassessment of the composer's music.
The premieres of the operas Falena, Oceana and Abisso were discussed in a large number of
articles in newspapers such as II Secolo, La Perseveranza, La Lega Lombarda and II
Corriere della Sera. The advantage of these reviews is that they reveal to us how much
attention Smareglia's music generated at the time, and provide an insight into how the
performances were received by the public. At that time it was common practice to 'judge'
public opinion by observing the way audiences behaved during a performance. The critics
would count how many times the curtain was raised, how many times certain fragments
from the opera were being repeated and how much mumbling was heard in the hall.2'
In describing the performances, the authors debated Smareglia's music, judging at the same
time the behaviour of the audience that was present in the theatre. During the first staging of
Oceana in 1903, for example, the Milanese were so bewildered that it took them a few days
before they were confident enough to express their approval.22 The controversy that was
generated by this performance resulted in fervent discussions which then contributed more
19
Tlie publisher Mario Smareglia had in mind was Ricordi.
20
At the turn of the century, irredentismo in the Trieste area (in Trentino and Venezia Giulia) was defined as an
anti-Austrian movement. Although fundamentally of similar aspirations as the Risorgimento, irredentismo was
often manipulated by the right wing nationalists who provoked conflicts with the Slavs of Dalmatia and Istria in
particular. Since Smareglia was of mixed descent and had connections with the Austrian theatres, he was subject
to attack through the newspaper II Popolo di Trieste, and by the boycotting of his music.
21
See for example, Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 216-221.
22
The critical reception ofOceana is discussed in Chapter V.
25
Chapter II - Documentary study
to the popularity of this opera. In the case of Oceana, Smareglia's success was of a quite
complex nature. What leaves us perplexed is not so much who was for or against
Smareglia's music, but rather the way the critics formulated their opinions. In relation to
Oceana's premiere, one critic suggested that it was a success d'estime, while another
referred to "oceanofobia"" directed against the production.
Besides telling us about the staging of these three operas, the early reviews show that the
critics were quite united in their agreement that Smareglia was a successful composer, in
search of a new artistic form. Several of the critics felt that they needed to defend Oceana
by explaining to the reader that Smareglia, starting with Falena, had adopted a 'new style':
the Italian tradition of vocal and instrumental balance was changed to a style where the
orchestral writing was given greater prominence. Furthermore, it was noticed that the
composer was more inclined to evoke the mood of the drama rather than the drama itself,
and had stepped away from the fashionable verismo operas of the time.24 Even though the
critic Agostino Cameroni for some reason wrote that Smareglia clashed with almost "all of
the modern [operatic] school", he recognised that Smareglia's Oceana belonged to the
"period in transition which Italian opera was going through".25 This observation leads us to
the more recent study of that period by Jay Nicolaisen, and will prove to be significant later
on in this work.26
Most recent critical reviews on Smareglia, covering the period of 1949 until 1989, were
written either on the occasion of the productions of the operas Oceana, Abisso and Falena,
or generally, for the anniversary of the composer's death. What they emphasise primarily is
the long disregard for Smareglia and his music in Italian operatic theatres. In contrast to the
old reviews written during Smareglia's life, the newer reviews written after his death
contain little debate about the value of his music. In the opinion of Daniele Rubboli, for
example, to stage Smareglia's operas nowadays is not something to be done out of respect
for the past but out of the duty to inform, to have knowledge of and to present as yet another
part of Italian musical culture."
Although the more recent articles were mainly dedicated to the performances of certain
operas, they helped to clarify the opinions formed about the composer in the third quarter of
the last century. For example, when in 1975 the theatre in Trieste staged Falena, the two
eminent music critics, Fedele D'Amico and Paolo Isotta, went as far as proclaiming that
Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 217, and the review by G. B. Nappi in La Perseveranza, ibid., p. 228.
See the articles in ibid., p. 217, 222, 225 and 235.
"
Ibid., pp. 221-222.
26
Jay Nicolaisen, Italian Opera in Transition.
27
"Sessant'anni dopo", in L 'Opera 29, November 1989, pp. 60-62.
26
Chapter II - Documentary study
with this opera Smareglia opened a new period in Italian music.28 This was confirmed with
the composer's following opera, Oceana: D'Amico described it as "clearly a symphonic
opera ... more lyrical and impressionistic than dramatic, ... the first opera (do you realise
29
that?) of the Italian twentieth century." The authors also attributed such an achievement to
Smareglia's collaboration with his librettist Silvio Benco, who was primarily responsible for
encouraging Smareglia to experiment with themes of Decadence. This fascination with
Decadence was recognised by D'Amico when he commented that "In Falena, scapigliatura
throws itself into D'Annunzio's arms."30 This statement will be significant for Chapter IV of
this study, dealing with Falena and the period of Decadence.
During the late 1970s, critics tended to describe Smareglia as an unusual composer whose
musical expression was marked by German tendencies, and enriched with Slav colour. That
is why there are comparisons with artists such as Dvorak, Smetana, Liszt or Strauss. It
appears that having a multi-cultural background added a dosage of artistic complexity to the
composer, and was regarded as one of the causes of the numerous vicissitudes in his career,
and a certain solitude. Furthermore, cultural diversity may be partly to blame for Smareglia
being set aside and labeled as "one of the most unfortunate composers".3' Nevertheless, most
recent reviews show that commentaries on Smareglia's art have lately become more
objective, with critics recognising his achievements in the context of the Italian opera of his
time.
v. Modern studies
The relatively few writings about Smareglia during the second half of the 20th century
became oriented towards more specialised studies of the composer's work. The writers
started devoting their research to an investigation of Smareglia's operas individually, and to
important aspects of his compositional style or his musical expression. Regarding the nature
of the recent studies, we can distinguish the pamphlets or volumes published following a
32
particular event, such as the Conference held on Antonio Smareglia in 1991 in Trieste, and
See the articles by Paolo Isotta, "Una Falena impressionante" in II Giornale, 21 March 1975, and Fedele
D'Amico, "Nelle braccia di D'Annunzio", in L 'Espresso, 30 March 1975.
29
D'Amico, "Nelle braccia di D'Annunzio". A more elaborated version of Isotta's article on Falena, entitled "II
demonio istriano", can be found in the collection of his essays and articles, see Isotta 1978, / sentieri della
musica, Milan: Mondadori editore. Tltis article is discussed in Chapter IV.
30
D'Amico, "Nelle braccia di D'Annunzio". For more on D'Annunzio and the period of Decadence, see Chapter
IV. 3.
31
By Isotta, "II fascino malato dellMbwro", in II Giornale, 6 February 1979.
32
Such is the 1991 edition ofAtti del convegno di stadi su Antonio Smareglia. Milano: Casa Musicale Sonzogno.
The Conference was held on the occasion of the performance of Pittori fiamminghi in Trieste in 1991. Among
the speakers were Fedele D'Amico, Rubens Tedeschi, Gianni Gori and Smareglia's granddaughter, Adua Luciana
Rigotti Smareglia.
27
Chapter II - Documentary study
research of an academic kind. Although the contribution of modem studies has been
relatively modest, several authors have been particularly helpful in this study of Smareglia's
last three operas.
One such work, dating from 1949, is Oceana di Antonio Smareglia: piccola guida
attraverso 1'opera, written by Smareglia's pupil, Vito Levi. The occasion was special: the
staging of Oceana in Trieste during that year occurred forty six years after its premiere at
La Scala. The fact that for such a purpose a guide had been published indicates the
importance given to the event, and suggests that there was a call for a reassessment of the
composer's work. As a detailed commentary on Oceana, on its "destiny" and the opera's
musico-dramatic structure, this guide has proved to be useful for profiling Oceana's
particularities in Chapter V of this dissertation."
Levi's enthusiastic engagement with Smareglia's musical theatre gave an incentive to
Eduardo Perpich, Levi's student, who graduated at Trieste University in 1959/1960, to study
Smareglia.34 According to Levi's writing in the preface to Perpich's thesis, this work was the
first all-embracing study of Smareglia's operas. To a certain extent this acknowledgement of
Perpich's study is correct. His publication provides an overview of numerous aspects of
Smareglia's life and career, including issues such as the composer's critical fortune, his
cultural background and the main characteristics of his musical language. Perpich discusses,
although not extensively, the three individual stages of Smareglia's operatic career. His
book offers a possibility to consult, for example, numerous critical reviews of both
Smareglia's 'Austrian period' while he resided in Vienna (including the opinions written by
Eduard Hanslick and Max Kalbeck), as well as the 'Italian period' (from 1895 onwards). In
addition, it contains a selection of the main musical ideas from the last six of Smareglia's
operas. The advantage Perpich had was that he could actually attend the performances of
Oceana and Nozze istriane in the late 1940s. Still, his study lacks new perspectives on
Smareglia's work. His discussions often reiterate the same material. For example, a direct
influence on Perpich's text came from Levi, in particular his discussion of the artistic
atmosphere at the turn of the century, or indeed of Oceana itself.35 Nevertheless, Perpich's
writing does provide an invaluable introduction to all of Smareglia's operas.
The strong contrast between Smareglia's operas, Nozze istriane and Oceana, had attracted
another scholar, Flavia Verzini, who wrote a dissertation entitled Punti estremi del teatro
33
See Chapter V.
34
See Edoardo Perpich 1990, II teatro musicale di Antonio Smareglia. Collana degli atti del Centra di Ricerche
Storiche di Rovigno, 9. Trieste - Rovigno: Unione degli italiani dellTstria - Universita Popolare di Trieste.
Perpich assimilated Levi's judgements often without mentioning the source. Compare, for example the top of
p. 41 of his study (in which he mentions Puccini's Manon Lescaut) with Vito Levi's reference to the same opera
in his Oceana di Antonio Smareglia, p. 8.
28
Chapter II - Documentary study
musicale di Antonio Smareglia, in 1982. The two operas had completely opposite aesthetics.
What proves to be most interesting in this study is the emphasis given by the author, in the
case of Oceana, to the predominance of music over the drama, or even over the text itself.
Verzini's opinion that, in this opera, the "word is swallowed up in the symphonic texture,
becoming music itself' will prove to be relevant later in this thesis, when discussing
Smareglia's response to Benco's libretto.36
Brief attention should be given to the most recent articles. Giuliana Novel's '"Visione
musicalissima' e 'simbolo pittorico'.- La Falena di Silvio Benco e Antonio Smareglia",
offers a more detailed discussion of certain relevant features of the opera, such as the
elements of Symbolism.37 One particular contribution of this article lies in the Appendix,
which includes some of the unpublished letters written by the composer. This thesis
frequently refers to the content of these letters.
Two very illuminating essays have been published in the last five years by the Triestine
musicologist Ivano Cavallini. The significance of Cavallini's research transpires from the
titles of the articles: "La musica di tre culture, tre culture per una musica: appunti in luogo
di premessa" and "La frontiera interiore di Antonio Smareglia" Both articles, the second
in particular, elaborately discuss the multicultural background of the composer and how it
influenced his open-minded and cosmopolitan spirit. Cavallini questions whether Smareglia
should be considered an "authentic Italian" composer, because the elements of three cultures
fused together in his artistic sensibility and enriched his musical language. Cavallini's
references to Trieste as being a "city with two souls, Italian and Slav", "ambiguous and
malicious", a "place of bewilderment for its inhabitants" further points out the difficulty one
encounters when defining Smareglia's sense of cultural belonging and his compositional
style. The elements of "German Romanticism", "Italian temperament" and "Slav sweetness"
(or softness) in his operas were interpreted by the Austrian critics for example, as of
someone who is outside the "young Italian school" group of composers (Cavallini 1995:
245). Although Smareglia's music does differ to an extent from that of Mascagni or
Leoncavallo, his membership of the "young Italian school" is indisputable. This thesis
sustains the view that Smareglia was an Italian composer who, as Waterhouse remarked,
36
Flavia Verzini 1985, "Punti estremi del teatro musicale di Antonio Smareglia", University of Bologna
graduation thesis, p. 94.
37
Giuliana Novel 1999, " 'Visione musicalissima' e 'simbolo pittorico': La Falena di Silvio Benco e Antonio
Smareglia", in Cosmopolitismo e nazionalismo nella musica a Trieste tra ottocento e novecento: studi offerti a
Vito Levi, ed. by Ivano Cavallini e Paolo Da Col. Quaderni del Conservatorio "G. Tartini" di Trieste. Trieste:
University of Trieste, pp. 17-65.
38
See Ivano Cavallini 1995, "La ftontiera interiore di Antonio Smareglia", in Atti 25. Rovigno: Centro di
ricerche storiche, Unione Italiana Fiume and Universita popolare Trieste, pp. 241-264; also Ivano Cavallini 1999,
"La musica di tre culture, tre culture per una musica: appunti in luogo di premessa", in Cosmopolitismo e
nazionalismo nella musica a Trieste tra ottocento e novecento: studi offerti a Vito Levi, ed. by Ivano Cavallini e
Paolo Da Col. Quaderni del Conservatorio "G. Tartini" di Trieste. Trieste: University of Trieste, pp. 5-15.
29
Chapter II - Documentary study
considering the social and cultural context of the time, inevitably became an outsider.
Smareglia, similarly to Catalani, suffered from "neglect and alienation" in the society
around him, and "sought refuge in a rather decadent 'escapist romanticism'" (Waterhouse
1968: 124). As will be further discussed, Smareglia proved with his last three operas to have
belonged to the lesser known, or less popular tendency of Italian operatic theatre. Together
with Benco he shared the aspirations to renew Italian opera by believing in and reaching for
different means.
It is significant to mention the author's dissertation on Smareglia's opera Nozze istriane.
Prompted by the existence of the composer's original manuscript, held in the University
Library in Pola, the research of Smareglia's most popular opera stands as the stepping stone
39
towards the author's interest in the late period of Smareglia's work.
The image of Smareglia, which we can gather from the selected literature, is of someone
who does not yet have a deserved place in operatic history. The aim of this thesis is to draw
attention to three of his invaluable operas and the unique contribution they made.
II. 2 Cultural biography
The following cultural biography is intended to give an insight into the life and work of
Antonio Smareglia. There are two reasons for combining the composer's biography with a
discussion of the panorama of operatic repertory in Italy at the turn of the century. Firstly, it
is impossible to understand Smareglia's work without understanding his background,
including his musical education. As with most artists, Smareglia's work was heavily
influenced by his life experiences. In order to understand some of the turning-points of his
career, one must appreciate that he was in conflict with the most powerful Italian publisher
at the time, and even more importantly, that he went blind at the age of forty-six. Secondly,
Smareglia's operas were being performed alongside many others and featured in the
repertory in Italy from 1875. An appreciation of the operatic scene at the time and the work
of his contemporaries will deepen our understanding of Smareglia himself.
Since this thesis focuses on Smareglia's last three operas, the cultural biography will end
with the premiere ofAbisso (Milan 1914). For the decade which followed until his death, on
39
See Juliana Licinic 1992, "Antonio Smareglia i njegova opera Nozze istriane" [Antonio Smareglia and his
opera Nozze istriane], University of Zagreb graduation thesis. The thesis was published in 1995, in Arti Musices
26/2, pp. 175-215.
30
Chapter II - Documentary study
15 April 1929, Smareglia faced difficulty both in his professional and personal life: his
operas were rarely performed, he lived in extremely poor conditions, and he saw the loss of
his wife. There is a danger that, by concentrating on this dark period, the reader could be led
to feel pity for Smareglia, rather than focusing on his achievements.40 Other writers,
. 41 • •
publishing work on Smareglia in the 1970s have fallen into this trap. A more mteresting
episode from that period is Smareglia's encounter, in 1923, with Carlo Sai, a wealthy
industrialist from Trieste who admired his music and did everything he could to help
promote it.42 In fact, Sai went as far as opening a publishing house, Casa Musicale Giuliana,
and establishing a journal called Cronache d'arte, which every few months had a special
supplement, Cronache Smaregliane."3 The only problem was that Sai did not have the
requisite experience in music and theatre so that his ventures in this arena were not as
profitable as his other business; his efforts soon failed in the 1930s.
The following text is divided into five principal sections:
i. Childhood in Istria
ii. Early Viennese years
iii. Operatic life in Milan during Smareglia's study years
iv. Viennese years (1887 - 1893)
v. Turn of the century: Pola, Venice, Milan, Trieste (1894 - 1914).
Each section guides us through certain phases of Smareglia's career, mentioning the
vicissitudes of his life, and depicting what it was like to be an opera composer in Italy at the
turn of the century, particularly when one had a multi-cultural background as Smareglia
did.44 Although it can be argued that having parents with different nationalities enhanced
Smareglia's creativity, this did not always prove to be advantageous throughout his career.
He was, for example, asked to change the Slav character Luze in the opera Nozze istriane
In the period during and after the First World War Smareglia's operas were often boycotted by the Triestine
nationalists. An account of this phase of Smareglia's life can be found in his son's writings, see Ariberto
Smareglia, Vita ed arte, and Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia.
41
The attitude of various critics who thought of Smareglia as a "poor and miserable composer" has, in my view,
more damaged the image of the composer than helped in reviving his work. This assumption is based on the
content of a letter written by Smareglia to Benco in which the composer reacted furiously to the lamentable tone
of Benco's comments when the poet spoke of him (in an article on Toscanini, cf. Silvio Benco, Scritti musicali,
pp. 104-105). To quote Smareglia: "Mi hanno pero irritato assai le poche parole che mi riguardano: che sia
proprio tu quello che mi estende certificati di mendicita e miserabilita umilianti, awilenti e dannosi e cosa per me
la piii urtante e spiacente. Bisogna mancare di senso comune per scrivere 'il povero musicista al quale tutti hanno
chiuso le porte'. A simili esclamazioni preferisco un laccio al collo...". [Those few words which regarded me
irritated me: I am regretful and annoyed that it is you who refers to me with words such as beggary and
humiliating misery, which are disgraceful and damaging. One has to lack common sense to write 'a poor
musician to whom everyone has closed the doors'. I prefer a noose round my neck than exclamations of this
kind...], from letter n. B. C. 1262, see Novel, " 'Visione musicalissima' ", p. 58. The examples of such views are
numerous and can be gathered from a majority of critical reviews or studies on the composer. Cf. for example
Isotta's expression, p. 27 para. 2.
42
For Carlo Sai, see Personalia, Appendix A.
43
Cf. the discussion on p. 19 para. 2 of this Chapter.
44
Smareglia had an Italian father and a Croatian mother.
31
Chapter II - Documentary study
45
(Trieste 1895) at the time when irredentism was at its peak in Trieste. As will be seen,
Smareglia had resisted these solicitations, upholding his cosmopolitan spirit and turning it to
his advantage by earning most flattering appraisals as a sinfonista ofWagner's or Strauss's
rank. However, it becomes apparent that his cosmopolitanism exerted a considerable
influence on his fate, both positively and negatively.
L Childhood in Istria
Antonio Smareglia was born on 5 May 1854 in Pola [Pula].46 A large naval harbour on the
north Adriatic peninsula of Istria, Pola was at the time, along with the larger part of the
region, under Austrian dominion. His father, Francesco Smareglia, was an Italian, originally
from a small village of Dignano. His mother, Julia Stiglic, was a Croatian from Lovran, a
town on the north-east coast of Istria. We know little about Smareglia's childhood years,
except that he was sent to more than four different schools in order to gain basic education.
As the sixth child born to parents whose first five offspring died, Smareglia earned a
reputation of being an undisciplined and slightly indolent pupil. His first experience with
music was through his father, who played what seems to be the bass horn (flipcorno basso)
in the local band (banda cittadina). From Ariberto Smareglia's accounts, we learn that
Antonio Smareglia soon started to play the instrument himself, finding inspiration in the
melodies he would have heard the band play: excerpts from Verdi operas Attila, I due
Foscari and I Lombardi alia prima crociata (Ariberto Smareglia 1936: 20). According to
Ariberto, Smareglia's mother played a significant role by singing Slav songs to him, which
then influenced his vocal writing. Through this close bond with his mother, the Slav culture
she instilled in him became central to his imagination, thereby permeating much of his
lyricism with a 'Slavic colour'.47
ii. Early Viennese years
Smareglia's musical education began informally while he was a teenager living in Austria in
the late 1860s. He attended numerous concerts and opera performances in Vienna and Graz,
Tlie composer recalls how the character of Luze, whose musical expression was inspired from his mother's
singing, was needed in order to provide a dramatic contrast in the opera. See Mario Smareglia, Antonio
Smareglia, p. 305.
46
Nowadays a Croatian town of 70 000 inhabitants, at the time when Smareglia was bom Pula was under the
Austrian Empire, and was referred to by its Latin name, Pola. To avoid confusion this name will be used
throughout this thesis.
In his short article "Come nascono le melodie?", Smareglia recalls his childhood and the times when his
mother sang him melodies and lullabies which left unforgettable memories. See Mario Smareglia, Antonio
Smareglia, p. 305.
32
Chapter II - Documentary study
but very little is known about his life at the time. He was initially sent by his parents to
complete his secondary education, specialising in mathematics, but never managed to do so
either in Vienna or in Graz at the Polytechnic school. From what the biographies say,
Smareglia was soon completely fascinated by Vienna's musical life, and as a result
neglected his school studies. What we know for certain is that Smareglia attended the
performances at the most important theatre in Vienna, the Hofoper (Court opera), which at
the time was being transferred from the Karntnertortheater into the new, more modern opera
house on the Ringstrasse.
Although it is difficult to know exactly what the sixteen-year-old Smareglia could have
heard while living in Austria, several events are repeatedly mentioned in his biographies. Of
the many Italian, French and German operas of the repertory, those which affected
Smareglia the most were the works of Wagner, notably Die Meistersinger von Nurnberg
which he heard in Vienna in 1870,48 and Mozart, whose opera Don Giovanni he attended at
the official opening of the new Court Opera house in 1869.4' The Court opera was at the
time directed by Franz von Dingelstedt (1867 - 1870). Although he was unpopular and
thought of opera as a "necessary evil" (Prawy 1969: 32), he had still introduced some
positive changes, such as augmenting the orchestra and taking more care of stage settings.
His successor was Johann Herbeck (1870 - 1875), at the time "Vienna's most popular
conductor", famous for having conducted Vienna's first performance of Die Meistersinger
von Nurnberg (1870), Verdi's Aida (1874), Goldmark's Die Konigin von Saba (1875) and
male voice choir concerts which included several choruses from Wagner's operas such as
Tannhauser, Der Fliegende Hollander and Rienzi (Prawy 1969: 33).
Without a doubt, the time spent in Vienna was decisive for Smareglia's career. Not only had
he failed to complete the last year of secondary school, but when he left Vienna for Graz,
instead of studying to re-sit his exams he started taking piano lessons. Following a concert at
which Beethoven's Fifth Symphony was played, Smareglia decided to change his course of
study. Absorbed in the music which he had heard, and particularly the music ofWagner, by
September 1871 he was on his way to Milan to become a composer.
48
It is interesting to note that, at the Vienna's premiere ofDie Meistersinger von Nurnberg, there were conflicts
in the audience among tire Wagnerians and anti-Wagnerians; at one point, the conductor Johann Herbeck had to
sing the part of Hans Sachs himself because the main singer was too upset. See Marcel Prawy 1969, Die Vienna
Opera, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, p. 33.
49
A description is foimd in Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, pp. 22-24.
33
Chapter II - Documentary study
Hi. Operatic life in Milan during Smareglia's study years
In his comprehensive volume on the repertory ofMilan's Teatro alia Scala, which covers the
period from 1778 until 1968, Carlo Gatti described the 1870s as the years of "the
confrontation of Italian and German music." 50 One of most significant years was 1872
during which there was a confrontation involving the music ofVerdi (the Italian premiere of
Aida) and of Wagner. As Kimbell noted, until then, "... in Italy no theatre ventured to
perform any work of Wagner's. ... Wagnerism was essentially a theoretical and
philosophical matter, at best fleshed out with some acquaintance with the published vocal
scores" (Kimbell 1991: 577).5' It was in 1868 that Giovannina Lucca went to Lucerne to
visit Wagner in order to negotiate for her firm the exclusive rights to his scores (Carner
1992: 36). Shortly after, Wagner's music was introduced in Italy with the famous and
successful production of Lohengrin in Bologna in 1871. However, it still awaited a hearing
at La Scala in 1873, under the special surveillance of Ricordi. While La Scala's audience
welcomed Verdi's latest international achievement with enthusiasm, its reception of the
music of Wagner was not as warm. Since Ricordi himself was no Wagner fan, he
encouraged the hostile response and suspended the performances after the seventh evening.
This was despite the fact that the scapigliato conductor, Franco Faccio, had wanted to
"cultivate the audience's musical conscience" (Gatti 1964, 1: 144). Not only was the Milan
premiere of Wagner's Lohengrin a "'fiasco solenne", but after the premiere nobody would
hear Wagner's music at La Scala for the next fifteen years.52
The premieres of Smareglia's early operas also took place in Milan (with the exception of
Re Nala, Venice 1887) in the 1870s and early 1880s. In fact, Smareglia's first 'appearance'
at La Scala was in 1873, but not as a composer. At the turbulent premiere of Lohengrin, as
an eighteen-year-old student from the Milan Conservatory, Smareglia fervently participated
in a physical fight against the anti-Wagnerians. Since those who supported Wagner at the
time were seen to be opposing Verdi, he soon gained a reputation for being an "enemy of
Italian music" which followed him for every Italian appearance he was to make in his
53
career.
50
The subtitle to this section is: "Musica italiana e musica tedesca a raffronto: Nazionalismi musicali esasperati",
see Carlo Gatti 1964, U teatro alia Scala nella storia e nell'arte: 1778 - 1963, 2 vols., Milan: G. Ricordi, vol. 1,
?i 14L
It was Abramo Basevi who in 1856 first wrote about Wagner in Italy, in a series of articles in the journal
L 'armonia. See David Kimbell 1991, Italian Opera, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 576.
Gatti pointed out that Faccio conducted Lohengrin at La Scala again in 1888, only a year after Verdi's Otello:
"Faccio si e afrettato a rimettere [Lohengrin ] a confronto con VOtello", in Gatti, LI Teatro alia Scala, vol. 1, p.
158. For more on scapigliatura see Chapter IV. 3 and pp. 34-36 passim in this Chapter.
See, for example, the critical review written by Giulio Ricordi on the premiere of Preziosa in La Gazzetta
Musicale diMilano, quoted in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 125-128.
34
Chapter II - Documentary study
Throughout the second half of the 19th century Wagner remained in Italy "the most
discussed of all foreign composers" (Budden 1992, 3: 271); both before and after he had
actually been performed in the country. The discussions pro and contra Verdi or Wagner
involved for the most part the young generation of composers, the scapigliati, whose desire
for the renewal of Italian opera was seen, by Giulio Ricordi, for example, questionable if it
was to follow a "'preconceived' (for which read 'Wagnerian') theory of opera" (Budden
1987: 301). In a certain way, the scapigliati were already labeled as Wagnerians: in a letter
to Clara Maffei, back in 1863, Verdi referred Boito and Faccio as those "accused of being
very warm admirers of Wagner..." (Conati 1994: xviii). Boito was again accused of being an
absolute Wagnerian several years later, on the occasion of the premiere of his Mefistofele
(1868) at La Scala; it was remembered as an "evening of an indescribable turmoil".54 Gatti
suspected that "his enemies (he has too many of them) want to make him pay for his
arrogant behaviour, which offends and irritates them".55 The problem was that the rebellious
scapigliati, as Gatti remarked, wanted to "renew the art of our theatre ... as if there were no
Verdi to be considered".56
Among the scapigliati who lived and worked in Milan at the time was the young poet and
dramatist, Ferdinando Fontana. His involvement in the operatic theatre began during the
1880s, while writing the libretti for Puccini's first operas Le Villi (1884) and Edgar (1889).
Despite the fact that these libretti met with negative reactions and were the only Puccini
ones to fail, Fontana continued writing libretti which heavily drew upon gothic subjects,
reflecting the revival of medieval themes and the literary aspirations of the scapigliatura
circle.57 Far more significant is Fontana's aesthetic view of musical theatre which he set
forth in the essay II teatro in 1884. An illustration of his opinion is set out in the following
paragraph:
II melodramma tende a trasformarsi in poema sinfonico scenico, tende a diventare cioe uno
spettacolo, teatrale si, ma nel quale la teatralita non dovra avere il soprawento sull'arte, bensi
questa su quella; lo spettacolo musicale, insomnia, tende a diventare sinfonico per eccellenza, cioe
a sagomare sulla forma migliore dell'arte musicale, la sinfonia, il resto dello spettacolo. Questo
spettacolo potra essere adunque di due specie: lo spettacolo sinfonico fantastico e lo spettacolo
sinfonico scenico.[...] II secondo sara la sublimazione del melodramma odiemo; sara, cioe, una
"Serata di tumulto indescrivibile", Gatti, II Teatro alia Scala, vol. 1, p. 103.
55
"Gli awersari (ne ha fin troppi e irrudicibili) gli vogliono far pagar cara la sua aria di superiority che li offende
e irrita" , ibid., pp. 136-137.
56
"Ambiscono codesti giovani di rinnovare Parte di teatro nostra, ...combattendo in nome dell'awenire dell'arte
italiana come se Verdi non ci fosse da tenere in conto", ibid., 1, p. 103.
Die libretti of Ferdinando Fontana (Milan 1850 - Lugano 1919) for other composers include those of
Franchetti (Asrael, 1888, II signor di Pourceaugnac, 1897) of Samaras (Flora mirabilis, 1886, Lionel/a, 1891)
and many for lesser composers (Mapelli's Anna e Gualberto, 1884; Radeglia's Colombo, 1887; Latuada's
Sandha, 1924).
35
Chapter II - Documentary study
vasta sinfonia ogni parte della quale si foggiera ad un Atto, ma che awolgera come un soffio
circolare, tutti gli sviluppi dell'azione, abolendo le vecchie consuetudini, cancellando il vecchio
disegno, adoperando le decorazioni e i cantori come adopera un flauto o un violoncello in
orchestra. II libretto scomparira; alio spettatore non verra dato nelle mani che un vero poema
perche questo gli possa servire di guida attraverso l'azione.
[Opera aims at transforming itself into a symphonic stage poem, aims to become a performance,
admittedly theatrical, but in which the theatrical element must not dominate the art; on the
contrary. The musical performance, in fact, aims to become symphonic par excellence, that is, to
assimilate whatever remains of theatrical performance to that highest of musical forms, the
symphony. This spectacle can be therefore of two kinds: the presentation of symphonic fantasy
and the presentation ofsymphonic theatre. [...] The latter will be the sublimation ofmodern opera;
it will be, that is, a vast symphony, every part of which will form themselves into an Act, but
which will take into the cycle of a single breath all the developments of the plot, abolishing the
old habits, canceling the old formula, using the scenery and the singers as it would a flute or a
violoncello in an orchestra. The libretto will disappear; instead the spectator will not get in his
hands anything but a true poem which can serve him as a guide through the plot.]
Announcing the idea of renewing Italian opera by creating the "symphonic stage poem",
Fontana's words seem to prefigure the style of Italian opera which would be developed by
the end of the century.58
To return to Verdi. As Marcello Conati wrote in the introduction to the Verdi-Boito
correspondence, Verdi was well aware of the contemporary aweniristi and of the
admiration for Wagner that was spreading through Italy in the 1870s. On some occasions, if
he was particularly provoked, as when in 1865 Tito Ricordi confessed to him his fear of the
arrival ofWagner's music in Italy, Verdi angrily burst out: "I have always loved and desired
progress... I too want the music of the future; that is, I believe in a music for the future..."
(Conati 1994: xxvi). However, he was saddened that for the young generation to be
progressive they had to be Wagnerian, and he firmly objected to the suggestion by critics
that he wrote Wagnerian music. An early example dates from 1867, when the premiere of
Don Carlos took place in Paris. Accused by the critics of being a Wagnerian/9 Verdi
remarked: "I am an almost perfect Wagnerian. But if the critics had paid a bit more attention
they would have noticed that the same kind of ideas are present in the terzetto from Ernani,
in the sleepwalking scene from Macbeth and in so many other pieces ... But the point is not
The revival of gothic themes in Italian opera is discussed in the article by Letizia Putignano 1994, "Revival
gotico e misticismo Ieggendario nel melodramma italiano postunitario", in Nitova Rivista Musicale Italiana 1
(Jan-March), pp. 441-435.
59
Such an accusation, for example, came from Bizet. See Kimbell, Italian Opera, p. 559.
36
Chapter II - Documentary study
whether Don Carlos belongs to this or that system but whether the music is good or bad"
(Budden 1992, 3: 26).
However, Verdi still dominated the Italian opera in the 1870s and 1880s. It was not only that
the repertory of La Scala, year by year, consisted largely of his works, but the success of
Aida further inspired a preference for the grand opera genre during the 1870s. In that decade
the repertory also included frequent revivals of French grand and lyrical operas by
Meyerbeer (Robert le diable, Les Huguenots, Dinorah, L'Africaine, Le prophete), and
Gounod (Faust, Romeo et Juliette, Cinq mars).60
The only new Italian contributions to the La Scala repertory at that time (except for Verdi's
Aida, and few minor composers' works) were by Antonio Gomes (II Guarany 1870, Fosca
1873, Maria Tudor 1879) and Amilcare Ponchielli (I Lituani 1874, La Gioconda 1876).
Ponchielli and Gomes were both respected and encouraged by Giulio Ricordi, and had
several operas commissioned by him (such as Ponchielli's I Lituani, 1874). For the history
of Italian opera they remained important as composers whose work aspired to reconcile the
old (grand opera) and new (bolder harmonic and orchestral texture), marking the transitional
period between Verdi and "the young Italian school". Ponchielli was "the first Italian
composer of opera to show, from the start of his career, a mastery of modern
instrumentation" (Kimbell 1991: 566). His gift for evoking dramatic atmosphere enabled
him to encourage the same qualities in the younger generation of composers through his
teaching at the Milan Conservatory (from 1881). Ponchielli's most talented student was
Giacomo Puccini.
The first new composers to emerge at this time were Alfredo Catalani and Antonio
Smareglia. There are many similarities between the careers of the two composers. Born in
1854, they were educated at the Milan Conservatory and were considered to be the most
promising composers, following the performances of their graduating compositions in 1875,
two one-act eclogues (Catalani's La falce\ Smareglia's Caccia lontana). Their early operas
had successful debuts at La Scala in 1882 (Smareglia's Bianca da Cervia) and 1883
(Catalani's Dejanice). Quite early in their careers, they were taken under the protective
wing ofGiovannina Lucca. However, the security of her publishing house soon disappeared
when Ricordi took over Lucca (1888), forcing Catalani and Smareglia to come to terms as
best as they could with his power and his indifference towards them. For both men, life in
Milan was directly associated with the scapigliatura, and each one could be described with
the words Kimbell used for Catalani: as "out of step with the taste of the times", and a
60
A useful repertory list of the most popular operas in Italy's major opera houses can be found in Nicolaisen,
Italian Opera in Transition, Appendix I.
37
Chapter II - Documentary study
"belated scapigliato, a dreamer and idealist totally at a loss in the new world of verismo".6I
Both had surely seen or heard about the premieres of Aida and Lohengrin, and were
encouraged by their teachers, Franco Faccio (in the case of Smareglia) and Bazzini (for
Catalani) to adopt a more descriptive, "symphonic way of thinking" (Budden 1992, 3: 270).
Their admiration of Wagner was at first reflected in the choice of subjects: northern myths
and settings which allowed atmospheric tone-painting can be seen, for example, in all of
Catalani's operas except for Dejanice (Budden 1991, 3: 274). Smareglia's case was
somewhat more complex. Given his enthusiasm for Wagner, which he publicly expressed
when he became involved in defending Lohengrin at its premiere in Milan, it seems that
during his formative years, like Boito and Faccio, Smareglia spoke more about his
admiration for Wagner, while his music remained strongly under the influence of Verdi.
Although Smareglia later in his life discarded his early operas (calling them the "sins of his
youth"),62 it is with these works that he gained some popularity and the reputation of a
promising composer; in particular with the first of the three operas which were written while
he lived in Milan in the years before 1886. Smareglia first introduced himself to the
Milanese audience with Preziosa, the premiere of which took place at the Teatro dal Verme
in 1879. This, his first full-length opera, as well as Bianca da Cervia (La Scala 1882) which
followed it, received positive criticism and one could almost imagine that the reason for this
success was because they were not Wagnerian at all.63 Smareglia's melody was seen as
"simple and fresh", but more importantly, what was vital for the composer was that it
attracted the attention of the publisher Lucca, the true rival of Ricordi in the 1870s. "The
battle-axe woman" (donna battagliera), as Gatti called her, was known for supporting the
"most prominent and modern composers, Italian and foreign, young talents who were open
to the new tendencies in musical theatres in Italy and abroad".64 Smareglia's early success
with Preziosa not only encouraged Lucca to commission the next opera, but it inspired a
memorable caricature of the time, published by the Gazzetta dei Teatri.65
The early period of Smareglia's career did not end in the promising way in which it began -
quite the contrary. After the premiere of the opera Re Nalct6 which failed at La Fenice in
61
See Kimbell, Italian Opera, pp. 584-585.
62
When in 1922 the firm Ricordi asked Smareglia for a permission to send off the score of Bianca di Cervia for a
performance in his native city, the composer did not allow it. See Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, p. 56.
63
Smareglia had surprised the audience and the critics. Antonio Gramola wrote that, after he had written his
student work, the symphonic poem Leonora, one would have expected that Smareglia would reflect more of a
Wagnerian influence, "but, instead, his Preziosa is anything but Wagnerian" ("ma invece, la sua Preziosa e
tutt'altro che wagneriana", see Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 129.
64
The full quotation is as follows: "... i piu reputati compositori modemi nostri e stranieri e i giovani di vigoroso
e rigoglioso ingegno attratti dalle nuove tendenze della musica di teatro in Italia e fuori." See Gatti, II Teatro alia
Scala, vol. I, p. 141.
65
See Illustration n. 18. The caricature is mentioned in Mosco Camer, Puccini, p. 36.
66
Libretto by V. Valle, after D. Gubernatis's novel H ritorno.
38
Chapter II - Documentary study
Venice in 1887, Smareglia burnt his score and left Italy.67 By that year, from what we are
told in the biographies written by his two sons, the relationship between him and the
publisher Giulio Ricordi, never really cordial, broke down completely.68 That was surely the
reason for the decision to stage Re Nala in the Venetian theatre. Smareglia's failure or
frustration may be explained, at least in part, by the fact that his opera took place only four
days after Verdi's Otello at La Scala, a performance which took all the attention of the
press. While his colleagues, Catalani and Puccini, continued to "adapt themselves to the
changing tastes of the times" (Budden 1992, 3: 281), gradually emancipating their musical
styles, Smareglia evidently decided that he would take a different path and sought
alternatives in Vienna.
iv. Viennese years (1887-1893)
Before going to Vienna in 1887, Smareglia first went to his home town in Istria. He
provided himself with a libretto for his next work, II Vassallo di Szigeth, written by his
Milanese friends, Francesco Pozza and Luigi Illica. It is not clear how long Smareglia stayed
in Pola, but it was probably only a year. His son Ariberto noted that, while working on his
next opera, Smareglia briefly became involved in Pola's political activities, being influenced
by friends such as Matko Laginja, the leader of the Croatian party at the time.69 He also met
young Franz Lehar, who was the conductor of the local military band, and who was
encouraged by Smareglia to undertake a musical career. It would be decades later (in 1908)
that Smareglia and Lehar would meet again while Smareglia was visiting Vienna briefly. By
that time Lehar was influential enough to be in a position to include Smareglia's Nozze
istriane in the repertory of the Vienna Volksoper,™ the theatre which opened in 1898 and
was known for being "more enterprising and adventurous in the choice of new operas" than
67
Opinions regarding the reception of Re Nala are controversial. Most biographical writings on Smareglia
mention this event as the only real failure in Smareglia's career. However, Ippolito Valetta (in his article on the
composer and the opera Falena ), recalled Re Nala's premiere as "un altro bel successo". Cf. Ippolito Valetta
1929, Antonio Smareglia e La Falena. 2nd ed., Trieste: Anonima Libreria Italiana, p. 5.
68
Ariberto Smareglia recalled an episode from 1885: "Smareglia gia nel 1885 awerti le prime awisaglie
dell'ostilita editorale contro la sua produzione: in quell'anno Franco Faccio voile includere in uno dei suoi
concerti a Torino la marcia fonebre della Bianca da Cervia. 'Vieni alia prova di domani' gli dice il Faccio, 'che
provero la tua marcia funebre.' Mio padre ando alia prova, ma con gran sorpresa sente attacare invece la marcia
funebre del Siegfried [sic]. Solo piu tardi l'amico ... gli confesso che era stato Ricordi a pregarlo di non fare il
suo pezzo orchestrale". [Already in 1885 Smareglia noticed the first signs of publisher's hostility with regard to
the production of his work: during that year Franco Faccio wanted to include in one of his concerts in Turin the
marcia funebre from Bianca da Cervia: 'Come to the rehearsal tomorrow', said Faccio, 'I will rehearse your
funeral march.' My father came to the rehearsal, to his great surprise to hear the funeral march from Siegfried
Lie] instead. Only later on did Faccio admit that Ricordi had asked him not to perform Smareglia's orchestral
work", from Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, p. 36.
69
For more on his political activities, see Cavallini, "La frontiera interiore di Antonio Smareglia", pp. 243-244.
70
There is a more detailed description of their friendship in Bernard Grun 1970, Gold and Silver: the Life and
Times ofFranz Lehar, London: W. H. Allen, pp. 47-50. For Lehar see Personalia, in Appendix A, and see also
Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, p. 70.
39
Chapter II - Documentary study
the Court opera (Carner and Klein 1992: 999). It had staged Puccini's Tosca in 1907 and
Strauss' Salome in 1910, at a time when they were banned from the Court opera. Probably
the most useful acquaintance for Smareglia during this short stay in Pola was the archduke
Stephan Habsburg, who was the commander of the Austrian military in Pola. The archduke
was an admirer of music and wished not only to meet Smareglia himself, but to help the
composer by introducing him, in an official letter, to the Court opera in Vienna. Smareglia
moved to the Austrian capital soon after.
The composer's arrival in Vienna coincided very fortunately with one of the most
prosperous periods of Vienna's principal opera house. It was the time when Wilhelm Jahn
was its director and conductor, as he was for seventeen years between 1881 - 1897, during
which he employed the most talented fellow conductor available, Hans Richter. In other
words, it was the period when , "aided by the general prosperity of the Habsburg monarchy
in the 1880s, the Vienna Hofoper [became] one of the foremost musical institutions in
Europe" (Carner and Klein: 997). The two artists had introduced a large number of new
works to the city. In their collaboration their work was diverse: while Jahn loved and
promoted French and Italian opera, Richter was known for being the promoter of the music
of Wagner. By 1888, the most important new works in the Court opera were those of
Ponchielli (La Gioconda 1884) and Boito (Mefistofele 1882), and during 1888, Verdi's
Otello. Prawy described the enormous success of this, commenting that uOtello was a
sensation, the greatest since the introduction of electric light the year before" (Prawy 1969:
55).
In his biography of Hans Richter, Christopher Fifield described 1888 as "the busiest year of
his life". Besides being engaged with concerts or the operatic seasons of London, Bayreuth
and other cities, Richter was holding four different conducting posts in Vienna. During one
of many periods he lived in Vienna, from 1888 until 1900, Richter conducted a great
number of new works, met new artists and new composers. Smareglia was one of them. On
his arrival in Vienna, Smareglia had with him two things: the complete first two acts of his
new opera, and - apparently - the archduke's letter as a recommendation. According to his
son Ariberto, the director of the Court opera, Wilhelm Jahn, had invited Smareglia to the
theatre to present his latest work, II Vassallo di Szigeth. It was a kind of audition, the
committee for which included Hans Richter and Johann Fuchs, the latter being the Director
of the Conservatory at the time, and an occasional conductor at the Vienna opera. If we are
to believe Ariberto's account, Smareglia objected to Jahn's wish that he should play only
certain fragments from the opera: he would play all of it, or nothing. The episode ended with
Richer expressing his enthusiasm for the opera (he was examining the score), and promising
his personal commitment to produce the work (Ariberto Smareglia 1936: 44). Richter was
true to his word and conducted II Vassallo di Szigeth at the Court opera on 4 October 1889,
40
Chapter II - Documentary study
and for the following eleven evenings. In 1894 he was to do the same with Smareglia's next
opera, Cornill Schut,7'
From a review of Fifield's writings on Richter, it appears that the author regarded the
performances of Smareglia's work as of very little importance in Richter's career. For
example, he states that "Richter conducted world premieres of operas which have not
survived the years" (Fifield 1993: 250), and Smareglia is mentioned (only on one occasion)
among the less known composers such as Robert Fuchs, Richard Heuberger and Albert
Kauders. Furthermore, in the chronicle of the Vienna Opera, Smareglia is completely
overlooked; a curiosity which does not quite match with the acclamations he gained during
the Vienna period, as described in his biographies. Although there is no clear evidence
(other than the biographies by his two sons) that he was praised, for example, by Brahms or
Richter, it is likely that the conductor respected and encouraged Smareglia's work, and
perhaps even had said about II Vassallo di Szigeth "[it is] a beautiful opera and we must
perform it. I will personally take the responsibility" (Ariberto Smareglia 1936: 44). This
view is supported by the fact that Richter and Smareglia did meet again on several other
occasions, as will be pointed out in the course of this thesis.72 For Smareglia, the period from
1888 to 1894 was also the most fruitful at an international level: besides Vienna, his operas
reached Prague (in Czech, Nozze istriane, 1896) Prague and Dresden (Cornill Schut, 1893),
and New York (II Vassallo di Szigeth, 1890).73
Authors that suggest Smareglia's life in Vienna was successful have based their views
primarily on an assessment of numerous critical writings on the premieres of his operas. The
information about the composer and the effects his music had on Vienna is found in the
critical reviews written by the eminent Viennese music critics at the time: Richard
74 . • •
Wallaschek, Max Kalbeck, Julius Korngold and Eduard Hanslick. Besides praising some
features of his musical language, such as excellent orchestration and the freshness of his
lyricism, these authors understood, as Cavallini pointed out, that Smareglia's music could
not simply be linked with the music of the "young Italian school".75 Max Kalbeck, who had
translated the libretto of 11 Vassallo di Szigeth into German, remarked that the composer felt
more at home while abroad rather than in his own country. Fie saw Smareglia as
See Christopher Fifield 1993, True Artist and True Friend: a Biography ofHans Richter, Oxford: Clarendon
Press. Cornill Schut was conducted in German on 23 November 1894. However, the premiere of this opera was
given in Czech, in Prague on 20 May 1893, and several weeks later in German in Dresden (6 June 1893).
Richter had encouraged Smareglia's symphonic writing at the time when the composer was writing Oceana.
For more information on Richter see Personalia, Appendix A.
73
For more about the staging of Smareglia's opera in New York, see the account of Dino Veggian, "Smareglia a
New York", in La Battana, n. 108, pp. 87 - 91.
74
Discussion of some reviews written by Hanslick, Wallaschek, Kalbeck and Dietz can be found in Mario
Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 103-165 and also in Perpich, II teatro musicale, pp. 12-17 and 51-71.
See Cavallini, "La frontiera interiore di Antonio Smareglia", pp. 244-245.
41
Chapter II - Documentary study
"cosmopolitan in his artistic sentiment" (cosmopolita nel suo sentimento artistico), and
thought that this opera belongs to Vienna (Mario Smareglia 1934: 138).76 This view was
shared by Richard Wallaschek. The critic, who was distinguished among his colleagues for
taking musical timbre as an essential compositional parameter, had recognised in
Smareglia's music the echoes of German romanticism, of Italian temperament and of Slav
delicacy (morbidezza) (Mario Smareglia: 103).77 These multicultural elements in the
composer's compositional style were confirmed years later, by Romain Rolland: "my first
impression is that he ranks between Verdi and Smetana, but with a character peculiar to
Istria".78
For Smareglia's operas to be conducted by the distinguished Hans Richter (who was also a
friend of Richard Wagner) was extremely flattering.79 Richter had a reputation for being
very helpful to young artists and had contributed to promoting their music. Apparently, after
the Vienna premiere of II Vassallo di Szigeth, he had asked Smareglia to write a symphony
for his concerts.80 Years later, when the two artists met in Venice while Richter was on a
series of concerts around Italy, Richter asked Smareglia if he had written any symphonies
yet. Since Smareglia was at the time working on Oceana, he decided to arrange an orchestral
suite from act II, dedicating it to the great conductor.81
The year 1892 was of particular importance in Vienna's musical life for several reasons.
Firstly, Jahn arranged for the Court opera to mount the world premiere of Werther, the latest
work of Vienna's 'favourite' composer at the time, Jules Massenet. In addition, it was the
year in which the international exhibition of music and theatre took place in Vienna,
providing a platform for the performances of the Bohemian National Theatre of Prague
(Smetana's The Bartered Bride, Dalibor), of the Lwow opera from Poland, and most
importantly, of the new repertory of Italian opera sponsored by the publisher Sonzogno. As
during earlier seasons at the Opera, it was the Italian works which attracted the most
attention that year by introducing the latest operatic trend in Italy, the verismo operas
(Prawy 1969: 58). On this occasion it was Mascagni himself who conducted his Cavalleria
Cf. passim pp. 29-32.
77
For more on Wallaschek see Sandra McColl, "Richard Wallaschek: Vienna's Most Uncomfortable Music
Critic", in International Review ofAesthetics and Sociology ofMusic 29/1, pp. 41-73.
78
Two of Romain Rolland's letters (addressed to Casa Musicale Giuliana, and dated 21 November 1932 and 8
January 1933 respectively) are kept in the Civico Museo Teatrale "C. Schmidl" in Trieste. The quotation of
Rolland's comment which is inserted on the cover page ofMario Smareglia's publication appears to belong to yet
another letter of the French author.
79
Smareglia wrote a short article about Richter in Gazzetta di Venezia, 1900, announcing the conductor's first
visit to Italy, quoted in Mario Smaieglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 311-315.
80
Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, p. 61.
81
In one of the unpublished letters written in 1902, Smareglia mentioned having received a letter from Richter in
which the conductor reveals his intention to perform the Suite from Oceana "nella prima meta della stagione
inglese", see letter B. C. 1274 in Novel, " 'Visione musicalissima' ", p. 51. Suite of Oceana is discussed in
Chapter V.
42
Chapter II - Documentary study
rusticana, which had been staged the previous year by Jahn at the Court opera with
"tremendous success" (ibid.). Beside Cavalleria, Mascagni also used the opportunity to
present to Vienna another of his operas, L 'amico Fritz, which was followed by Giordano's
Mala vita, and Leoncavallo's Pagliacci. This last opera was described in the chronology of
the Vienna opera as the "greatest sensation" among the verismo operas which reached
Vienna. Besides the verismo operas, what was also new in the repertory of the Court opera
in 1893 was Verdi's Falstaff, which had a successful premiere at La Scala dining the same
year.
Although it is almost certain that Smareglia was familiar with what was being produced in
Vienna at the time, in no sources do we find any information about what his reactions were.
His own operas, although internationally recognised, were suddenly overshadowed by a new
trend from Italy. Although Smareglia missed Italian operatic verismo in Italy while he was
in Vienna, the opportunity to see it in Vienna would surely have been helpful. Furthermore,
he was soon to be involved in verismo himself, when he came to write his next opera.
v. Turn ofthe century: Pola, Trieste, Venice andMilan (1894 - 1914)
During the later stages of his time in Vienna Smareglia once again felt disenchanted with his
work, prompting him to retreat to his native Istria in 1893. His initial choice of subject for
the next opera was Flaubert's Tentation de Saint Antoine and for the librettist, he
commissioned his friend Luigi Illica, who joined him in Istria.82 They had collaborated some
years earlier, for it was Illica who had written (at the start of his career as a librettist) the
two previous melodramas for Smareglia, which were performed in Vienna. The success of
the two operas, II Vassallo di Szigeth (Vienna 1889) and Cornill Schut (Dresden 1893),
encouraged them to work on a new project. The only difference was that, by the 1890s Illica
gradually had become very much in demand as librettist. In fact, if we look at the libretti of
the 1890s and early 1900s, it appears that he was the author of thirty. His "practical eye for
the stage" (Carner 1992: 85) was by then recognised and praised, particularly with respect to
the text for Catalani's best opera La Wally, and in the collaboration with Domenico Oliva on
Puccini's Manon Lescaut.
Smareglia's decision to work again with Illica was sensible and helped his reintegration on
the Italian operatic scene, from which he had been absent for seven years. In fact, Illica's
decision to write a 'real-life' story of local Istrian people, instead of adapting Flaubert's
It seems that Flaubert's work left a strong impact on Smareglia; the composer contemplated writing a
symphonic poem of the same title, years later, cf. Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, letter n. 85. For more on Flaubert
and the themes of Decadence which are embodied in his work, see Chapter IV. Illica had eventually written tire
libretto Anton, based on the novel by Anatole France, Les Tentations de Saint Antoine, for Cesare Galeotti,
whose opera was staged at La Scala in 1900. See Gatti, II Teatro alia Scala, vol. 1, p. 207.
43
Chapter II - Documentary study
novel, was what Smareglia at the time needed to get included in the Italian veristic operatic
repertory. With the interpreters Gemma Bellincioni and Roberto Stagno, who were at the
time gaining a particular reputation for their performances in verismo operas, Nozze istriane
had its successful premiere on 28 March 1895 at the Teatro Comunale in Trieste.83
In the 1890s, the repertory of Trieste's main theatre, the Teatro Comunale, was similar to
that of other major Italian cities. The dominance of composers such as Verdi, Rossini,
Bellini and Donizetti gradually diminished in the 1870s and 1880s, and the repertory
included more operas from France (by Meyerbeer, Auber, Thomas, Halevy), and early
works by the young generation of composers such as Catalani (Edmea 1887), Puccini (Le
Villi 1887), Franchetti (Asrael 1889) and Smareglia (Bianca da Cervia 1885, Preziosa
1886). One of the major events during the 1870s and 1880s was the encounter with
Wagner's operas: the Teatro Comunale staged Lohengrin (1876) and Tannhauser (1878),
while Der Ring des Nibelungen (1883) was performed at the rival theatre Politeama Rossetti
(while the Teatro Comunale was being restored). The reception of the German master was
favourable; it did not provoke the same enthusiasm as in Bologna, neither were there
artificially provoked disagreements as in Milan.84 Even when the complete Ring was staged
(sung in German), the reactions were "more mature from the audience than from the press"
(Levi, Botteri and Bremini 1962: 45). In 1893, following the performance of Die Walkiire,
Trieste would have its own debates over the music of Wagner, in the journals
L'Indipendente and II Piccolo. The leading defenders of Wagner were Gian Giacomo
Manzutto and Silvio Benco, the two writers who, as will soon be explained, became
Smareglia's closest friends.85
According to Levi, the appearance of verismo operas, which were in the 1890s gaining most
attention in theatres around Italy and abroad, did not particularly appeal to Trieste
audiences. Although Mascagni's Cavalleria rusticana met with a great success in 1891, at
its revival in 1894 the audience was less enthusiastic, despite the assistance of distinguished
interpreters such as Bellincioni and Stagno (Levi, Botteri and Bremini 1961: 52). This was
also the case with several other operas, such as Puccini's Manon Lescaut (1893) and La
Boheme (1897), and Giordano's Andrea Chenier (1899). In the view of Levi, the resistance
of the audiences had a "cultural" basis. The audience preferred Wagner, the "symphonic"
kind of operas, the stage peopled with "hermetic creatures, the sense of the mysterious and
The dates ofNozze istriane's premiere in both Mario and Ariberto Smareglia's biographies are dubious: both
of Smareglia's sons mentioned that the opera's first performance took place in Prague, in Czech, and then soon
after in Trieste. The opera's premiere was in fact on 28 March 1895 at the Teatro Comunale in Trieste (see Levi,
Botteri and Bremini 1962, 11 Comunale di Trieste, Udine: Del Bianco Editore, p. 234). For more on Nozze
istriane, see Juliana Licinic, "Antonio Smareglia and his opera Nozze istriane".
84
"Non si ripetono gli entusiasmi di Bologna ne tanto meno i dissensi clamorosi, artificiosamente provocati, di
Milano", in Levi, Botteri and Bremini, II Comunale di Trieste, p. 43.
85
For Gian Giacomo Manzutto see Personalia, Appendix A. Benco's critical writings are discussed in Chapter
m.
44
Chapter II - Documentary study
demoniac ... such as they will find in Salome... and nothing "too simple", not even
"music which can be remembered too easily" (ibid.: 51).86 Among the operas which the
public did accept were those by Massenet (Manon 1895 and Werther 1896), Humperdinck
(Hansel und Gretel 1906) and Strauss (Salome 1909). It is all the more interesting that the
premiere of Smareglia's Nozze istriane in 1895 was a full success, despite the fact that it has
a veristic subject. Yet, as biographies of the composer tell us, a significant number of that
same Triestine audience turned against Smareglia in time.87
The encounter with Benco
After his success with Nozze istriane, Smareglia was searching for a new libretto. He was
looking for a subject which would differ from verismo, allowing him more space for what
his son described as "sinfonia musicale" (Ariberto Smareglia 1936: 52). It is said that he
would have had a good chance of joining "the ranks of Mascagni's followers, had he not in
the meantime met the poet Silvio Benco..." (Budden 1987: 326). Although the collaboration
between Benco and Smareglia will be discussed in detail in the chapters which deal with the
last three operas respectively, at this stage it seems appropriate to explain how the two
artists met. It was in Trieste, in November 1894, one evening when both artists were invited
to the house of the journalist Gian Giacomo Manzutto. Manzutto was Benco's friend from
the Triestine irredentistic journal L 'Indipendente, for which Benco was writing at the time.
As Benco recalled, during that evening Smareglia was recounting various episodes of his
life in the 1870s and 1880s, which he spent in Milan and Vienna. To the young Benco, it
opened "a new world" and although he said that the first impression of the composer "was
not kind", he wrote the following description:
Era un impasto di uomo vigoroso e rilassato, dimesso ed energetico, bonario e carico di elettricita
battagliera, accomodante e testardo; lo tonificavano una profonda fede in se stesso, un mai esausto
entusiasmo per i sommi artisti che venerava, un'intima certezza, superiore a tutto, del valore
dell'arte sua e del potere che era in lui di innalzarla a sempre maggiore maestria. [Benco, Ricordi,
p. 12]
[He was a combination of a vigorous and relaxed man, modest and energetic, good natured and
laden with rebellious electricity, accommodating and stubborn; he was fortified with a profound
Levi's discussion seems slightly one-sided since the author mentions Strauss's Salome: its premiere in Trieste
was only in 1909! It seems sensible to believe that, in spite of the political problems involving the co-existence of
three cultures as well as the rule of the Austrian government, the influx of the operas from Austria and Germany
was more alive than in other parts of Italy, which surely influenced the audience's taste.
87
Levi's argument that Trieste's audience gave a warm reception to Nozze istriane because of Trieste's exposure
to the operas of Wagner, or to the works of Ibsen, Strindberg and D'Annunzio, appears weak since these works
are not reflected in the repertory any more than verismo operas were. If we look at La Scala's repertory in the
same period, the amount of verismo operas staged at the time is about the same. In addition, it appears odd that,
for all their Decadent and "dannunzian" atmosphere, Smareglia's operas kept encountering the most hostile
reactions by the audiences in Trieste.
45
Chapter II - Documentary study
confidence in himself, with inexhaustible enthusiasm for the great artists whom he admired, an
intimate faith, superior to everything else, in the value of his own art and in the strength which
resided in him to raise it to an always greater mastery.]
It was the beginning of a lifelong friendship. For years Smareglia continued to be a steady
visitor and a close friend with the editorial staff of L'Indipendente. Furthermore, some
friendships (Manzutto, Zampieri) proved to be very helpful when Smareglia needed a
librettist for his future opera: the chosen writer was Silvio Benco.88
Benco, who was only twenty years old at the time, was flattered by the request; such a task
challenged his literary skills. For Smareglia he seemed to be the person he was looking for:
someone, as Levi described, modern, and suitable for the "new direction" he wanted in his
career. From operatic verismo, of which he was never fond, he diverged into the world of
legends. It is interesting that for the premiere of the dramatic legend La Falena, which had
been completed by 1897, both the composer and the librettist "looked for a neutral
ambience" in order to get "the most sincere impression" from the audience. Their choice
was Venice.89
The time spent in Venice
The premiere of Falena was partially the reason for Smareglia's next visit to Venice.
Accounts of his life at the time, provided by Benco and by Smareglia's sons, tell of another
motive: the hostile attitude, primarily led by the irredentisti, in some Triestine circles
towards the composer ever since the first performances of Nozze istriane. For example, it
was mentioned that in 1895 Smareglia was asked if he could change the female character of
Luze in this opera, because she was a "Slav character".90 This view is supported by the fact
that from 1900 until 1908 nothing of Smareglia's was performed in Trieste. Smareglia's
position can be summarised by Tomasek: "the business manipulations of the publisher
Ricordi, ... accusations of being a Wagnerian, of being an Austrophile, of having a Slav
background" made it difficult for Smareglia to establish himself and his work.9'
88
Benco himself does not remember from whom the idea came, cf. Benco, Ricordi, p. 48. For more on Zampieri,
see Personalia, Appendix A.
89
This was written by Benco in his article "Le origini della Falena"-, see Benco, Scritti musicali, p. 56.
90
Luze was a girl from Peroj, a small and old Slav village near Dignano. This request was made by Smareglia's
friend Gian Giacomo Manzutto! Still, the composer refused to do this. Known as a fervent irredentist, Manzutto
however, remained Smareglia's friend. For a description of Smareglia's enemies and of the whole issue of the
hostility towards the composer see: Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, pp. 52-55; Ariberto Smareglia, II teatro
lirico nazionale; Benco, Ricordi, pp. 68-69; Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 31-35. Cf. also the
discussion on p. 29 and 31.
91
Andrija Tomasek 1960, "Istarska svadba u Mariboru" [Nozze istriane in the town of Maribor], in Vijesnik, 24
March.
46
Chapter II - Documentary study
The number of theatres in Venice whose activity continued throughout the nineteenth
century was halved in comparison with the century before. Those which remained active,
besides the principal Teatro La Fenice, were Teatro Malibran, Teatro Rossini and Teatro
Minerva, although the last two became cinemas by the early 1900s. The theatre which was
competing with La Fenice most vigorously was the Teatro Rossini. In fact, it secured several
Venetian premieres of new operas of the time, such as Leoncavallo's Pagliacci (1893) and
Massenet's Manon (1894). In 1897, the two new operas were Puccini's La Boheme and
Smareglia's La Falena.2
During the same year, Puccini's work was also included in the repertory at La Fenice, side
by side with Leoncavallo's La Boheme. On that occasion, the public response was more
enthusiastic about Leoncavallo's opera and the young talented tenor named Enrico Caruso
(Carner 1992: 81). When the Teatro Rossini was about to mount Smareglia's La Falena, its
premiere was anticipated as "a real artistic happening" (Mario Smareglia 1934: 181).
Although he felt anxious, the composer was confident about his new opera, and was deeply
satisfied with the repeated curtain calls, in particularly after the second act (Benco 1968:
93
65). The enthusiastic premiere of La Falena took place on 7 September 1897, stirring
curiosity as well as severe criticism among the press. Some criticisms were directed against
the librettist and his "invention of a legend", which prompted Benco's own defensive
reply.94 Although this opera, as well as the event itself, signaled an important step forward in
Smareglia's career, following its premiere, there were difficulties encouraging other Italian
theatres to take it up, except on one occasion in Rome and Trieste in 1899. One of the
reasons for this was the lack of support from any of the publishers.95 In the view of
Smareglia's son Ariberto, it also had to do with the hostility, the "small but powerful
camorra" (ristretta ma potente camorra) (as Smareglia described it himself in his testament),
directed by the irredentists and linked mainly with the city of Trieste. As Vito Levi
remarked, it was a city where Smareglia had "many admirers, even more enemies and a few
good friends".96
92
Nicola Mangini 1974, I teatri di Venezia, Milan: Mursia. It is rather surprising that the author omitted to
mention the performance of Smareglia's Falena considering the curiosity the opera raised among the audience
and the press. Mangini's book stands as a good example of the way in which Smareglia remains overlooked as an
artist.
93
The second act of Falena is discussed in Chapter IV.
94
The result was Benco's article "Le origini della Falena", published in L'Indipendente on 24 February 1899.
Cf. footnote 87. The article is discussed in Chapter IV.
95
The hostility directed to Smareglia is repeatedly discussed in the biographies written by his sons. The only two
concerts in Venice which included Smareglia's music were held at La Fenice: 19 October 1904 and 16 April
1927. See Michele Girardi and Franco Rossi 1989, H teatro La Fenice: Cronologia degli spettacoli 1792 - 1936,
Venice: Albrizzi Editore, p. 310 and 372.
96
Vito Levi 1968, La vita musicale a Trieste: cronache di un cinquantennio, 1918 - 1968, Collana celebrativa
Trieste 1968, 3, Trieste: All'insegna del pesce d'oro, p. 36.
47
Chapter II - Documentary study
What soon proved to be a more important hindrance for Smareglia was his sight problem
which, after an unsuccessful operation, led to complete blindness in 1900. La Falena was, in
fact, the last opera which he wrote with his own hand. His dependency on others' help for
writing and moving around soon severely complicated his life, causing him extreme
financial difficulties. The blindness did not stop Smareglia from working, but it did isolate
him from the world around him.
In the years between 1900 and 1911 Smareglia continued to live between Trieste and
Venice, in several towns of the Friuli Venezia-Giulia region. There were sensible reasons
for this change of residence, one of which is revealed in several of the unpublished letters
... 97
held in Trieste, which indicate that there were problems in Smareglia's marriage.
Furthermore, in these two cities he had his family and his closest friends, such as Silvio
Benco. In addition, the favourable reception of La Falena had not only encouraged him to
continue to work in Venice, but by living there, he felt he was closer to his friends in Milan
and therefore to La Scala. Although the biographies of Smareglia make it difficult to
precisely trace his travelling, we know that for several years the composer was a guest in the
house of the Venetian sculptor, Achille Tamburlini.98 It was during this time that he met
many famous artists (such as Saint-Saens, Richard Strauss," Hans Richter, and Siegfried
Wagner),'00 and influential personalities who proved to be very helpful in his career. At the
time the most important was the industrialist Count Gaudenzio dalla Zonca. It was in his
villa Arcade, near Treviso, that Smareglia lived around 1902 and 1903, completing the score
of his next opera Oceana.m
Milan: the yearsprior to Oceana
Since Oceana was staged in Milan in 1903, it would be helpful to look at what happened
prior to Smareglia's arrival. By the time Smareglia came back from Vienna in 1893, the
97
This part of the correspondence is preserved in Civico Museo Teatrale "C. Schmidl". Donated by Elisa
Tamburlini, the letters include those which were addressed to Smareglia while he lived in Venice, in Achille
Tamburlini's house, written by his friends such as Benco, Bartoli or Pierobon. Several letters were written by
Smareglia's lawyer, Giorgio de Baseggio, confirming further the problems in his marriage. Several of the
published letters mention Smareglia and his wife living "separated", see letter 1 and 5, in Antonio Smareglia,
Lettere. It is curious that Ariberto Smareglia barely mentions this kind of problem experienced by his parents.
98
For more on Tamburlini see Personalia, Appendix A.
99
According to Ariberto Smareglia, the two composers had previously met while Smareglia lived in Vienna, in
1889 (Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, p. 45 and 62). Strauss was, in fact, conducting a concert at La Fenice in
1903 with the Orchestra Tonktinstler from Berlin, at the time when Smareglia's Suite from Oceana was
performed. See Girardi and Rossi, II teatro La Fenice, p. 308.
100
Smareglia's acquaintance with Siegfried Wagner is perhaps the least known. Smareglia had the opportunity to
meet Siegfried in Venice in 1904, when he was a guest conductor at tire concert which included the overture of
Smareglia's opera Oceana. The conductors at the concert were Carlo Walter and Siegfried Wagner (in ibid., p.
310). Smareglia's communication with Siegfried Wagner is also partially revealed through his correspondence at
the time when Smareglia wanted to establish a publishing house with Wagner's son; see Antonio Smareglia,
Lettere, pp. 30-31.
101
For the main part Smareglia dictated the music of Oceana to his student and the Count's son, Primo dalla
Zonca.
48
Chapter II - Documentary study
operatic climate in Italy had considerably changed. As we read in Nicolaisen's study, some
of the most "intriguing, if not well-known contributions to the Italian repertory" were
written by 1893.'02 The author explains that some of Verdi's contemporaries "enjoyed great
popularity in the late nineteenth century but have long since faded from view. All form the
broad stylistic background against which Verdi's greatest works made their appearance, and
together with Verdian opera they laid a stylistic foundation for the works of his most
important successor, Giacomo Puccini" (Nicolaisen 1980: 3). For Nicolaisen, it was during
this period that "the formation of a new, personal style" took place, and was achieved in
Verdi's Falstaff\ Catalani's La Wally and Puccini's Manon Lescaut. Although the period
of "Italian opera in transition" may not have changed by then, as Nicolaisen is inclined to
believe, Smareglia himself and his contemporaries such as Catalani, Franchetti, Puccini and
others did gradually established themselves in the operatic repertory. With the exception of
Verdi's Falstaff, one could say that the authors of new operas of the time were those known
as the "young Italian school".
It must be noted that, since he was away for nearly six years, Smareglia had missed the first
triumphs ofCatalani (Loreley, Turin 1890, La Wally, Milan 1892), Puccini (Manon Lescaut,
Turin 1893) and Verdi's last masterpiece, Falstaff (Milan 1893). Furthermore, he had been
absent when his younger colleague from the Conservatory, Pietro Mascagni, won
international fame, inaugurating a new operatic style which "shocked and thrilled the
Europe of the fin de siecle" (Budden 1992, III: 412). As mentioned previously, Smareglia
had first heard about all these happenings while living in Vienna.
Gatti described those years as the time of "excitements and rumours" which were evolving
around the Sonzogno competition, announced in the firm's journal II Teatro Illustrato. The
one-act winning opera, Mascagni's Cavalleria rusticana (Rome, 1890) soon "conquered the
theatres of the world" (Gatti 1964, 1: 166). The fashion of verismo operas which soon took
over the repertories in the Italian theatres and abroad, had also made the publisher Sonzogno
become the major rival of Giulio Ricordi. The competition between the two firms marked
significant changes for the repertory of La Scala. In fact, after the success of Cavalleria
rusticana, Ricordi made sure to exclusively stage 'Ricordi' operas at La Scala for the next
three years (1891, 1892 and 1893). However, in 1894 Sonzogno opened a new theatre in
Milan: the once active Teatro alia Cannobiana was restored and renamed the Teatro Lirico
Internazionale. Around that time, Sonzogno also had the contract for running several
seasons at La Scala, which allowed him to be in "control ... and free to circulate his choice
of repertory" (Gatti 1964, I: 182). The most significant years were 1895 and 1896, and the
seasons proved to be dominated with operas by the French composers such as Bizet (Les
Pecheurs de Perles, Carmen), Massenet {Manon, Werther, La Navarraise), Saint-Saens
Nicolaisen, Italian Opera, p. 3.
49
Chapter II - Documentary study
(Samson et Dalila, Henry VIII), Reyer (Sigurd) and operas by Mascagni (Guglielmo Ratcliff,
Silvano, Zanetto), Leoncavallo (/ Medici) and Giordano {Andrea Chenier), the last one
being remembered as the only true success. Having exhausted the potential of his repertory,
Sonzogno's power was soon diminished, thus strengthening Ricordi's influence.
The years around the turn of the century brought disturbances at La Scala and the theatre
completely closed down in December of 1897. A sign posted on the main door read: "closed
because of the death of artistic feeling, civic responsibility and common sense" (Sachs 1978:
60). Mainly, the commotion indicated that the running of the theatre needed changes, in
particularly following the unimpressive seasons of 1895 and 1896, as Gatti had remarked.
For example, when Puccini's La Boheme (Turin 1896) had its Milan premiere, the audience
felt neglected because it was getting "second-hand" performances (di seconda mano) while
in the past, it was La Scala that represented, before any other theatre, "the most important
novelties" of the musical theatre (Gatti 1964, 1: 188). The change came in 1899: instead of
the usual hiring of impresarios, a new administrative council was set up, taking on the
responsibility for the productions. With the help and under the presidency of Duke Guido
Visconti di Modrone, the council was formed around three astonishing artists: the vice-
president was Arrigo Boito, the new general manager was Giulio Gatti-Casazza, and the
principal conductor was a man of "fiery temperament and idealism", Arturo Toscanini
(Sachs 1978: 61).
In Toscanini's career, the years of conducting at La Scala between 1898 and 1903 can be
remembered as the years of "difficult battles for an artistic ideal and for new practices in a
theatre".'03 The performances under his conducting were seen as of "highest order" (Giulio
Ricordi) unless he simply shocked everybody by canceling the whole production, as was the
case with Bellini's Norma, the second opera which was supposed to be on the repertory of
the newly opened La Scala. Toscanini's efforts to improve the repertory as well as the
quality of performances during his conducting at La Scala had led him to direct
confrontation with Giulio Ricordi. The conductor was a "terrible irritant to him not because
they disagreed about many things, but because the conductor did not know how to pretend to
agree" (Sachs 1978: 69).
In the years following, the performances which were conducted by Toscanini at La Scala
included several new operas written by the composers of the "young Italian school". In some
cases, such as Mascagni's Iris (Rome 1898), the failure at the opera's premiere was
improved by the "ideal, superb" (Sachs) interpretation achieved by Toscanini. Before his
departure from Milan in 1903, Toscanini had also conducted Milan premieres of Puccini's
"...Dure battaglie per un ideale d'arte e per un nuovo costume teatrale". See Guglielmo Barblan 1972,
Toscanini e la Scala, Milan: Edizioni della Scala.
50
Chapter II - Documentary study
104 ,
Tosca (1900), Mascagni's Le Maschere (1900), Franchetti's Germania (1902) and most
importantly, Smareglia's Oceana (1903).
The performance of Oceana meant that Smareglia had to visit Milan again after nearly
twenty years. It was a time during which, as Gatti put it, the "for precisely 20 years Milanese
theatre had left [Smareglia] aside while accepting many other composers whose artistic gifts
were not superior to his".'05 Smareglia still had a few good friends in Milan, in particular
Boito to whom he had sent, around 1900, the completed first act of Oceana. It appears, from
several of Smareglia's letters, that Benco and Smareglia consulted Boito also in regard to
the libretto of the opera.106 Furthermore, on those occasions it seems that Toscanini had also
seen and liked it (probably the overture of the opera). In fact, he conducted the overture of
Oceana with great success at the concert organised by the Societa del quartetto, held at the
Milan Conservatory (in 1902), and afterwards, staged the opera at La Scala in January 1903.
There were a few technical problems with introducing Oceana on La Scala's stage. First,
there was the complexity of conjuring up the sea world and the huge dimensions it required
on the stage; secondly, as Toscanini suggested, there was "too much music" considering
what, theatrically, the plot needed. Given that Toscanini made such a comment, it could be
true that before performing it the conductor had 'revised' parts of Smareglia's score.107
Prepared with what Barblan called the conductor's "affetto paterno", Oceana's premiere
was an immediate success, attended by an exceptional audience: among others there were
"Puccini, Giordano, Leoncavallo, Cilea and Franchetti" (Barblan 1972: 104-5). The event,
however, stirred debate afterwards. The discussions involved not only Smareglia's opera or
its libretto, but also what Gatti noticed as the "artistic criteria" of Toscanini who, as the
season was coming to its end, was playing a "war of nerves with the public" (Sachs 1978:
84). In fact, Toscanini was soon to end his conducting at La Scala, half way through the
performance of the last opera of the season, Verdi's Un ballo in maschera, when he ignored
the audience's requests for the bis of the tenor's aria "E scherzo od e la follia".
The behaviour of La Scala's audience during the following seasons continued to be
"influenced by intrigues and cabals" (Carner 1992: 148). At times, some composers were
luckier than others, such as Umberto Giordano at the premiere of his new opera Siberia
(Milan 1903), whose work was anticipated "with affection [simpatia] and confidence" (Gatti
1960, 1: 222). Although the opera was actually received with limited enthusiasm, it gained
On the same night, Le Maschere was staged in five different cities: Rome, Turin, Genova, Venice and Verona.
Gatti remarked as follows: "Una simile parata di reclame non s'era mai vista in Italia per nesstm'opera sia di
musica che di prosa", in Gatti, 77 Teatro alia Scala, vol. 1, p. 212.
105
"Da venti anni precisi il Teatro milanese lo ha lasciato in disparte e ha raccolto invece tanti altri compositori
di pregi artistici non superiori ai suoi", see ibid., p. 221.
106
See letter B. C. 1273 in Novel, " 'Visione musicalissima' pp. 48-49.
107
Toscanini is known to have made a decision to shorten the opera after its first performance! See Filippo
Sacchi 1957, The Magic Baton: Toscanini's Life For Music, London: Putnam, p. 162.
/&
Ar
LU 51
Chapter II - Documentary study
some international respect for a short period when it was staged in Paris (in 1905 and 1911).
Nevertheless, the audience wanted to be better entertained; as Gatti remarked, "there is still
a need for an opera by Verdi for the audience really to catch fire".'08 Sometimes, as in the
case of Puccini's Madama Butterfly (Milan 1904), the enthusiasm and the expectations
turned into a real scandal. An elaborate description of the fiasco, most likely largely
engineered, can be found in Carner's critical biography of the composer. It is worth drawing
attention to it because similar events would occur in Smareglia's career.
After the premiere of Oceana, Smareglia soon left Milan. This decision may not have been
very wise in terms of his career, but his blindness and the uncomfortable feeling ofnot being
able to move about alone required it. In the years to come, Smareglia's life revolved around
the cities of Venice and Trieste, with occasional trips to Istria. His creativity led him to
compose the first act of what was to remain an unfinished opera, La morte dell'usignolo,
based on Benco's text. Instead of continuing to write a new opera for which he did not find a
strong motivation, Smareglia started revising his previous scores with the help of his two
sons acting in the role of amanuenses. Some of the events that remained in the memories of
his son Ariberto were Smareglia's contacts with Umberto Giordano, Ermanno Wolf-Ferrari
and the twenty year old Gian Francesco Malipiero, to whom Smareglia gave private lessons
in composition for nearly two years.'0'
Around 1905 Smareglia went for a short trip to Austria and Germany with his two friends
Gaudenzio dalla Zonca and Piero Manzutto. He was hoping to renew his previous contacts
by visiting his old friends in Dresden and Vienna. However, after nearly fifteen years the
musical life in Vienna was considerably different. From what we can detect in Smareglia's
biographies, the time was not favourable to Smareglia because the director of the Court
opera was Gustav Mahler who was not fond of the composer (Benco 1968: 121-122 and
Ariberto Smareglia 1936: 69). Mahler had expressed the same attitude towards Puccini. For
example, Madama Butterfly could finally be performed in Vienna only after Mahler
resigned in 1907. Until that year, the conductor would not allow any of Puccini's operas to
be staged at the Hofoper."10 Nevertheless, there was one friend who still had fond memories
of Smareglia, and who was by now living in Vienna: Franz Lehar. Lehar was Smareglia's
friend from the time spent in Pola (1894-1896), where he was appointed as a military
bandmaster. At this early stage of his career, Lehar was greatly influenced by Smareglia and
"Ci vuole ancora un'opera di Verdi per infiammare il pubblico." Verdi's opera staged during that season was
Rigoletto, see Gatti, II Teatro alia Scala, vol. 1, p. 223.
109
The references made to Wolf-Ferrari playing the vocal score and his enthusiasm for Smareglia's Oceana can
be found in a letter which the Venetian sculptor, Achille Tamburlini, had sent to Benco. The letter is quoted in
Novel, " 'Visione musicalissima' " p. 49.
no
Carner, Puccini, pp. 175-176. Carner mentions an unpublished letter (from 1893) written by Mahler to his
sister in which the composer, still in the early stage of his career, felt similarities to and liked Mascagni, "the
father of verismo".
52
Chapter II - Documentary study
admired his opera Cornill Schut to such an extent that the echoes of some crowd scenes and
dances can be found in his own opera KukuschkaBy 1908, Lehar was not only famous in
Vienna but had achieved international fame (with Die lustige Witwe, Vienna 1905). As
mentioned earlier, such popularity enabled him to help Smareglia: he managed to include his
opera Nozze istriane on the repertory of the Volksoper."2 The event seemed to have a
positive effect because, in the same year, the opera was also staged in Pola and Trieste, and
again in 1910 in Udine and Trieste.
In 1905, prior to his trip to Vienna, Smareglia went to Dresden. It was the city which in
1893 had staged his opera Cornill Schut (translated in German as Cornelius Schut).1" The
successful performance was conducted by Ernst von Schuch. Schuch had, since 1882, held
the position of director of the Court opera, gradually pursuing the mounting of Wagner's
operas, and supporting young composers by staging their works. Smareglia was one of them.
Although on this later occasion Smareglia only went as far as showing his opera Oceana to
the conductor, what proved to be the most exciting part of the journey was the invitation
from Schuch to attend the premiere of Strauss' Salome."* Smareglia's life, following his
return from Germany, was mainly linked with the city of Trieste. It was a time of great
poverty that severely affected the composer and his family, an astonishing account of which
can be found in Ariberto's biography, as well as in the recollections of Silvio Benco.
The time in Trieste andMilan (1905 - 1914)
Before considering the way in which Smareglia's last opera Abisso came to its first
performance in Milan in 1914, it is instructive to note the current conditions in Trieste and
the artists with whom the composer interacted at the time. Described by Levi as a "restless
and noisy city", Trieste had been a free port of the Austrian Empire since the early
eighteenth century."5 This changed in 1891 when the city lost that status, becoming the most
important port of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Until it was given back to Italy in 1915, the
coexistence of the three cultures, Italian, German and Slav, was tense and problematic. In
See Grun 1970, Gold and Silver, p. 47.
112
There is a letter, dated 12 January 1907, written by Gian Francesco Malipiero to Benco while the composer
was in Vienna. From what can be understood in the letter, Malipiero was with Smareglia in Vienna at the time. In
his letter Malipiero described the successful production of Nozze istriane. Furthermore, he mentioned the
possibility of future performance of the overture of Oceana on which apparently "Smareglia will not be present:
it is hard to guess what would he like to do...". The letter is kept in Biblioteca Civica "A. Hortis" in Trieste. In
addition to the letter, Malipiero sent a telegram to Benco following the concert at which Oceana's overture was
performed.
It is most likely that this was the premiere of the opera. The biographical sources have different entries
regarding this opera.
114
Schuch was, at the time, too busy with the final preparations for the premiere of Salome (see Benco, Ricordi,
p. 122). It seems that Smareglia attended two performances of the opera and was so astonished and impressed
that he immediately wrote a postcard about it to Boito after each event, ibid., pp. 122-123.
Levi, La vita tnusicale, p. 9.
53
Chapter II - Documentary study
the political sphere, such a situation led to irredentistic rebellions, on which occasions some
newspapers were shut down and their editorial staff put in confinement."6 Furthermore, it
was troublesome for artists such as Smareglia, whose multi-national background made it
appear as if he belonged nowhere."7 Culturally, however, it enriched the city, making it
"distinctly cosmopolitan" (Durante 1992: 809). This had an impact on the choice of the
operatic or concert repertory, as well as on the number of foreign artists that would end up
in the city.
One artist who came to Trieste in early 1900, residing there for nearly fifteen years, was the
Irish writer James Joyce. Joyce (along with his companion Nora Barnacle) first came to Italy
in 1904 as a young writer who was applying for a teaching position at the Austrian Berlitz
language school. Initially the teaching post was in Zurich, but he was sent off to Italy
instead. Since Trieste's school could not help him at the time, Joyce was further
recommended to go to the school's newly opened department in Pola, in Istria. Although it
appears that the period spent in Pola (October 1904 to March 1905) was not as exciting for
Joyce (he had to teach Austrian navy officers) during those few months he became a close
friend to Alessandro Francini Bruni, the Florentine teacher who was to prove extremely
helpful with his career (Crivelli 1996: 34).
It was through Francini that Joyce gained many acquaintances in Trieste, upon their return
from Pola in the spring of 1905. He met, for example, the journalists from the local Triestine
newspaper II Piccolo della Sera, which soon gave him the opportunity to write several
articles. Since this meant that he had to write in Italian, he needed a supervisor, who
happened to be Smareglia's librettist, Silvio Benco. By then Benco was considered a young
intellectual, a "respected novelist, journalist and literary critic" (Potts 1969: 47). Their
collaboration was described by Crivelli:
Benco, for his part, noted that there was very little to be corrected in the articles. Joyce insisted on
being present during the 'revisions' ... because ... they would offer him a good opportunity to
improve his Italian. ... After a few such meetings, all technical interventions seemed unnecessary
and a long-lasting friendship between the two of them was bom. [Crivelli, James Joyce: Itinerari
Triestini, pp. 72-74]."S
116
It had happened to Benco; see Chapter III. 2.
117
See the discussion on pp. 29-32 passim. On one occasion, Smareglia had said: "You are not aware of the fact
that our land has such a destiny, not only mine [destiny] but of all of us, to feel that it doesn't belong anywhere?
My mother was a Croatian, but what am I?" (...Lei non e consapevole che la nostra terra e tutta in questo destino,
non solo mio, ma di tutti noi, di essere come a mezz'aria? Mia madre era croata, ma io che cosa sono?) in
Comune di Grado 1979. Antonio Smareglia. In memoriam.
118
See Renzo Crivelli 1996, Itinerari Triestini. James Joyce = Triestine itineraries, Trieste: MGS Press. For a
discussion of their friendship, see the article by Benco, translated as "James Joyce in Trieste", in Willard Potts
1969, ed., Portrait of the Artist in Exile. Recollections of James Joyce by Europeans, Seattle: University of
Washington Press. Benco thought it was an honour to have been the first to read Joyce's early texts written in
Italian. He dedicated to Joyce several articles, such as "Un illustre scrittore inglese a Trieste", first published in
54
Chapter II - Documentary study
At that time Benco was living in the same house as Joyce's friend Francini, so that the three
of them often met at various dinner parties, occasions on which Joyce would sing."9
We learn from one of Joyce's pupils, Mario Nordio, that on one occasion during their
English class, Joyce "sat at Iris piano and sang in a fine tenor voice".'20 Nordio recalled how
the Irishman admired music to such an extent, admitting "if it depended on him, singing
would be the most important occupation in his life". In fact, Joyce's love for music was so
passionate that he seriously considered enrolling at the Trieste Conservatory "... to train his
beautiful tenor voice, and try a singing career" (Crivelli 1996: 46). Because of financial
problems he ended up taking a few private singing lessons instead.121 The Irish writer was
particularly fond of opera, which made him pay regular visits to Trieste's theatres. Benco
recalls that Joyce showed interest in several musicians of Trieste, in particularly in
Smareglia, whose opera Nozze istriane Joyce heard in 1908 in the Teatro Politeama
Rossetti. It was an opera he greatly admired and the occasion on which he was inspired to
say (in a letter to Benco) that Smareglia is a composer who will be remembered in many
122
years' time. Although there is no evidence that Joyce and Smareglia actually met in the
course of that evening, there is no doubt that they knew each other when they ended up as
neighbours in via della Barriera Vecchia (number 32 - Joyce, number 33 - Smareglia).123
The story of Joyce depicts the positive aspects of Trieste during those years. By contrast, at
that time Smareglia and his family were struggling with poverty. In fact, the years following
the performance of Oceana (1903) were not getting any easier for the composer because he
still had no publisher to support his work. On one occasion, when in 1912 Illica managed to
negotiate a contract with Riccardo Sonzogno, Smareglia refused to sign it, since it was to
cover a ten year period which Smareglia considered too long.'24 Smareglia's friends felt so
Umana, Trieste, 6 July 1918, pp. 1-3, and "James Joyce" published in II Baretti, Turin, 10 May 1925. Both
articles are reprinted in Benco, Scritti di critica.
119
An insight into their friendship (in fact, on the 'dinner party' held in Francini's home) is given in the article
written by Benco's granddaughter; see Aurelia Gruber Benco 1972, "Between Joyce and Benco", in James Joyce
Quarterly 9/3, Tulsa: University ofTulsa, pp. 328 - 333.
120
See the article by Mario Nordio 1972, "My First English Teacher", in James Joyce Quarterly 9/3, Tulsa:
University of Tulsa, p. 324.
121
Joyce's first singing teacher was Riccardo Sinico, the choirmaster who was considered to be the best singing
teacher in Trieste at the time and who had praised Joyce's voice and talent for opera (in Levi, La vita musicale, p.
17). When Joyce took singing lessons again in 1908, his teacher was Romeo Bartoli, Benco's cousin and a
former student of Smareglia. By then, Bartoli was the choirmaster of the Teatro Verdi and of the Teatro
Politeama Rossetti. See Personalia, Appendix A.
122
We can read about it in Benco's letter to the composer: see page 22 of this chapter. See also Antonio
Smareglia, Lettere, p. 70.
123
"Joyce was to send a postcard featuring Smareglia to the Irish composer Geoffrey Molyneux Palmer, who had
set to music some of the poems of Chamber music, thus revealing evident pride in his neighbour...", see Crivelli,
Itinerari Triestini: James Joyce, pp. 113-114.
124
Illica's letter about this contract is reproduced in Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, p. 66. The contract with
Sonzogno, which was renewed annually, came through in 1924 and lasted until 1928. In 1975, the heirs of
Smareglia entrusted again all the remaining materials of Smareglia to the Casa Musicale Sonzogno, the publisher
55
Chapter II - Documentary study
uncomfortable about the poor conditions in which he was living that they took the initiative
of asking the city councils of both Pola and Trieste to award to the composer an annual
pension, "per meriti d'arte" (Benco 1968: 156). This financial help enabled Smareglia to
visit Milan again, and to try once more to triumph with his work.
Return toMilan: the yearsprior to Abisso
The opera Smareglia was working on at the time was Abisso, on a libretto provided for him
by Benco at the end of 1906. The story was based on a distant episode of Italian history, the
battle of Legnano, which, as Benco thought, the audience would feel passionate about; not
accidentally, the audience he had in mind was the one in Lombardy's capital city. A detailed
discussion of this opera is provided in Chapter VI. At this point it is useful to see which new
operas were staged at La Scala prior to Smareglia's arrival in Milan in 1911 and the staging
of Abisso three years later. According to Gatti, "the audience was not very happy with the
repertory of the last three years [1904 - 1907]".'" The same audience which had whistled off
the premiere of Puccini's Madama Butterfly, and which could not come to terms with the
resolute temper of Toscanini, now wished for the conductor's return. During the first decade
of the twentieth century the productivity of the composers of Smareglia's generation
considerably decreased. In the decade from 1904 until 1914, La Scala staged six new operas
by this group of composers: Franchetti's La figlia di Iorio, Cilea's Gloria (1907), Puccini's
La Fanciulla del West (1912), Mascagni's Isabeau (1912) and Parisina (1913), and in 1914,
Smareglia's Abisso. The decline in writing operas at the beginning of the twentieth century
was partly related to the choice of libretti. When Franchetti's La figlia di Iorio had its
premiere in 1906, it raised great expectations because it was the first opera to be based on a
D'Annunzio play. 126 However, Franchetti's music was seen as "rather far from adding
beauty to the refined sonority of D'Annunzio's poetry".'27 A similar atmosphere was created
in the case of Mascagni's Parisina (1913). Originally offered to Puccini, Parisina was, in
D'Annunzio's words, "a poem in which life and dream are intertwined as in the soul of
man" (Carner 1992: 164). Nevertheless, Puccini refused it since he could not, as happened
to Mascagni with this libretto, be "too obsequious and subservient to the poet" (ibid. 212).
Instead, he was soon to write La fanciulla del West (New York 1910, Milan 1912), an
'American' opera based on Belasco's play The girl of the golden west, marking "one of the
most spectacular events in the annals of the Metropolitan Opera" (ibid. 204).
still today responsible for the protection and promotion of Smareglia's music. About Sonzogno see Personalia,
Appendix A.
"II pubblico della Scala non e del tutto contento degli spettacoli degli ultirni tre anni", in Gatti, II Teatro alia
Scala, vol. I, p. 231.
126
There are close similarities between D'Annunzio's play and Benco's La Falena. See the discussion in Chapter
TV. 3.
127
" La musica di Franchetti e piutosto lontana dall'aggiungere la bellezza al bellissimo suono della poesia
dannunziana...", in Gatti, 77 Teatro alia Scala, vol. 1, p. 230.
56
Chapter II - Documentary study
When Smareglia arrived in Milan in 1911, he was again in touch with his friends such as
Illica, Giovanni and Francesco Pozza and in particular with Arrigo Boito. Their friendship
grew closer during the weekly encounters in Boito's house. They would play music of the
great masters from the past, but above all they shared with each other the music ofNerone
and Abisso, which nobody else had yet heard.'28 It was on these occasions that Smareglia
became familiar with Boito's last opera, one of the reasons for Smareglia's later
involvement in the revision ofNerone after Boito died. His collaboration in the completion
of Nerone remains one of the obscure episodes in operatic history. It is known that the
revision, suggested by Toscanini around 1914 and begun around 1918, went on until the
completion of act I of the opera, after which Smareglia was informed by Boito's lawyer,
Luigi Albertini, that the revision would stop for some time. As we can learn from Boito's
biographies, the rest of Nerone was completed by the conductor himself and the maestro
Vicenzo Tommasini. The problem was that Smareglia himself found out about Tommasini's
involvement only after the opera's premiere at La Scala in 1924; the news about the
completion of the opera, given in the newspaper, had not even mentioned Smareglia's name
with respect to the completion of its act I. It is remembered that when Toscanini approached
Smareglia about this, it was too late: the composer had already given an interview to the
Trieste journal II Piccolo, explaining the full 'story' of Nerone. As both Toscanini and
Smareglia had rather uncompromising characters, this event resulted in the end of their
friendship.12"
Prior to the conflict with Toscanini, the period of three years spent in Milan was what
Smareglia wished it to be: his new opera Abisso had its premiere at La Scala. According to
Benco and to Ariberto Smareglia, this was largely due to the merit of Boito and the
conductor. Their efforts proved to be worthwhile: the premiere of Abisso had an excellent
reception. However, it was repeated only for another seven nights, thought to be "too few at
the time" (Gatti 1964, 1: 254). Following the premiere, Boito had apparently said: "Now the
Italians can proudly claim to have their epic in music with this opera, which exalts the
rebellion of Italian comunes against Barbarossa".'30 Nevertheless, the celebrations were
short lived because the same year saw the beginning of the First World War.
Smareglia recalled this episode of his life in his article on Boito, see Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp.
319-331.
129
The interview was also going to be published in the Milan journal H Secolo, but Toscanini managed to stop it.
He was too late in the case of the Triestine journal. Smareglia's correspondence allows us to have an idea of the
issue. Several sources on Toscanini also mention Smareglia as being involved in it for a while, as do the more
detailed histories of Italian opera. Mario Smareglia provided an account of it in his book; see the section entitled
"L'amicizia con Arrigo Boito e la verita sul Neronein ibid., pp. 39-46.
13°
"Ora gli Italiani possono vantarsi, di possedere in quest'opera, che esalta la ribellione dei Comuni Italici
contro il Barbarossa, la loro epopea in musica", in ibid., p. 251.
57
Chapter II - Documentary study
Illustration 2: Antonio Smareglia at the time when he lived in Milan
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
CHAPTER III
SILVIO BENCO
Si dice: Benco storico, critico di letteratura e d'arte, Benco librettista, moralista, scrittore
politico, Benco romanziere, prosatore di libera fantasia. Certo, Benco fu tutto questo, ma
difficilmente in tale senso specifico si potrebbe definire e misurare l'importanza della sua
personality e il duraturo messaggio che da lui ne viene. [Gastone de Zuccoli, "Silvio Benco nel
ricordo dei giovani", in Umana 3-4, 1954]
[They say: Benco the historian, critic of literature and of art, Benco the librettist, the moralist,
the writer on politics, Benco the novelist, the poet of a free imagination. Certainly, Benco was
all that, but these categories can hardly define and measure the importance of his personality
and the lasting message which he gave.]
III. I Introduction
To most scholars of Italian libretti at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century the name
of Silvio Benco remains relatively unknown, just as is the case with Antonio Smareglia with
regard to the Italian opera of the time. In Italian literature, however, Benco is remembered
among the group of writers who were particularly important and active in the North-East part
of Italy, in the region now called Friuli - Venezia Giulia. Among the intellectuals and writers
of that region, Benco was seen as a "committed and passionate animator", a man who "took on
the responsibility of introducing, firstly to the audience of Trieste and then to the rest of Italy,
the aspirations and the torment of [his] generation".' Known as letteratura triestina (Triestine
literati) this numerous group includes artists such as the writers Italo Svevo, Scipio Slataper,
Giani and Carlo Stuparich and the poet Umberto Saba.2
Among these artists, Benco's ties with the city of Trieste were particularly close, to such an
extent that the writings about him suggest that the history of Trieste in the first half of the
century is "unimaginable" without his activity:
1
"L'animatore convinto e appassionato ... che si incarico di far conoscere al pubblico prima triestino e poi italiano le
aspirazioni e il tormento di tale generazione...", from the introduction, entitled "Silvio Benco autore teatrale" by
Riccardo Scrivano, in Silvio Benco 1974, Teatro: L'uomo malato; La bilancia, Rome: Bulzoni Editore.
2
In his introduction to Benco's theatrical works Riccardo Scrivano mentions the term being used for the "last forty
years" in connection with this group of artists. See ibid., p. 7. The first to point to the existence of "letteratura
triestina", in 1929, was the critic Pietro Pancrazzi, cf. Rita Corvetto 1973, "Silvio Benco narratore", University of
Lecce graduation thesis, p. 5.
59
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
Non si pud immaginare la recente storia di Trieste senza l'attivita e la figura di Silvio Benco. Ogni
avvenimento cittadino, nazionale e politico, ogni fatto culturale di quest'ultimo cinquantennio e
legato a lui. ... Non c'e libro importante, nel campo della cultura e delle lettere, uscito in Italia, che
non sia stato segnalato e recensito per i triestini da Benco, non c'e movimento intellettuale di cui
egli non abbia parlato, non c'e fatto nelle arti figurative ch'egli abbia trascurato di illustrare alia sua
3
citta. [Gianni Stuparich]
[One cannot imagine the recent history of Trieste without the activity and the figure of Silvio Benco.
Every civil, national and political event, every major cultural happening of the last five decades is
linked with him ... There is no important book, in the field of culture and literature, published in
Italy, that was not singled out and reviewed by Benco for the citizens of Trieste, there is no
intellectual movement about which he did not talk, there is no event in the figurative arts that he
neglected to describe for his city.]
The evidence of the profound connection between Benco and his native city can be found
easily: there is a patrimony which includes some 5000 articles or essays on politics, history,
theatre, literature, arts and music.4 He spent his entire life in Trieste, the exception being the
two wars during which he was in exile: in Linz (1916-18) and Turriaco (1943-1945).5 Besides
his activity as a journalist and a critic, Benco gained particular respect as a patriot. In times
which were continuously unsettled and threatening for Trieste's integration with the rest of
Italy, he wrote several volumes on Trieste and its history. He defended the town by writing on
issues such as in Gli ultimi anni della dominazione austriaca (The last years under Austrian
dominion), and Trieste e il suo diritto all'Italia (Trieste and its right to Italy).6
The writings of Silvio Benco come into the focus of this research primarily because he is the
author of the libretti for Smareglia's last three operas. In the course of this thesis the more
important aspects of the libretti are discussed in detail, within the contexts of each of the three
operas. As will be seen, the twenty year old Benco, who was a novice at the task of creating
libretti, approached it with an attitude of rebellion. His operatic texts were "conceived with
Gianni Stuparich, in the introduction to Silvio Benco, s. a., Trieste tra '800 e '900. Una citta tra due secoli,
Bologna: Massimo Boni Editore. Originally, Stuparich wrote the text following Benco's death in 1949. The article
was first published in the Florentine periodical II Ponte, Florence, 9 March 1949.
4
An extensive bibliography of Benco's writings has been compiled by Sauro Pesante 1950, Bibliografia di Silvio
Benco. Trieste: Tipografia Litografia Modema.
Benco was actually not in internment in Turriaco, but was forced to leave Trieste by the fascists, who threatened
his life in Trieste.
6
Silvio Benco 1919, Gli ultimi anni della dominazione austriaca di Trieste, 3 vols., Rome - Milan - Trieste: Editrice
Risorgimento. Also Silvio Benco 1952, Trieste e il suo diritto all'Italia, Bologna: Capelli. Benco's manuscript of the
later book reveals that he originally entitled it Diritto di Trieste e del popolo italiano, see the catalogue of the
Biblioteca Civica "A. Hortis" in Trieste: Benco R. P. Ms. Misc. 58 n. 8. For more detailed information about the
origin of this volume see Bruno Coceani 1973, "Ricordo di Silvio Benco nel primo centenario della nascita", in La
Porta Orientale: rivista giuliana di storia, politico ed arte 11-12, November - December, pp. 243 - 245.
60
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
strange criteria" (Levi), created according to his "own rules". The consequence was that the
critics often called upon Benco to justify his work with Smareglia, following, or at times prior
to, the opera's premiere. The investigation of their subjects and of the numerous sources which
lie behind Falena, Oceana and Abisso has proved to be essential both in interpreting
Smareglia's operas and in understanding what fed Benco's own imagination as their writer. In
the case of Oceana, for example, we learn that the music was inspired by a text which was
stimulated primarily by visual art: a series of marine paintings by the Swiss painter Arnold
Bocklin.7
However, it is important to emphasise that, in Benco's career, libretto writing was a marginal
activity. Besides those he wrote for Smareglia, his only other libretti are the two written for
Gian Franceso Malipiero, and the one-act drama, II lago, written for Gastone de Zuccoli, which
the composer left incomplete.8 Among the other publications by Benco there are several novels
and plays, poetry, as well as the editions of books which he translated, such as two of Goethe's
works: Egmont and Wilhelm Meister theatralische SendungBenco is also known to have
revised the first articles written in Italian by James Joyce, while Joyce lived and worked in
Trieste.
A full study of Benco's work would go beyond the scope of this thesis, and indeed could
extend into a thesis of its own.'0 Nevertheless, it is important to investigate what were the
artistic activities that Benco was engaged in, in order to better understand his aesthetic views
and his literary style. For example, among the vast number of his publications, his novels and
his libretti are particularly curious. Because they reveal the impact which the atmosphere of the
fin-de-siecle had on Benco, they provoked great discussions when they were published.
Besides being written around the same time as the three libretti, Falena, Oceana and Abisso,
the three novels, II castello dei desideri, La fiamma fredda and Nell'atmosfera del sole, reveal
certain similarities to the libretti: their peculiar settings, their plots and characters, as will be
seen, relate in a certain way to those embodied in the libretti.
7
See Chapter V. 3. i.
8
Cf. Chapter VI. 4. Fragments of Zuccoli's II lago (the text was written in the period between 1914 and 1925) can
be found in Biblioteca Civica in Trieste among the materials left to the library by Marta Gruber Benco, Benco's only
living daughter. Cf. Personalia, Appendix A. See also section III. 4 of this Chapter.
9
Silvio Benco, trans., 1932, W. Goethe. La missione teatrale di Guglielmo Meister, Milan: Mondadori; and Silvio
Benco, trans., 1944, W. Goethe.Egmont, in: Opere del Goethe, Florence: Sansoni.
10
The studies that have appeared are mainly graduation theses. Among several of such theses (which are listed in the
bibliography of sources on Benco, as a part of the edition of Benco's Scritti di critica letteraria e figurativa, pp. 484-
491), two in particular will be considered in this research: Corvetto, "Silvio Benco narratore", and Mara Muscardin
1972, "II teatro di Silvio Benco", University of Padua graduation thesis.
61
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
III. 2 Short biography
Silvio Enea Benco was born in Trieste on 22 November 1874. His father, Giovanni Benco, was
a respected Triestine lawyer as well as an active supporter of the Liberal Party. His mother,
Giovanna Sardos, was from the Istrian town of Capodistria. From early childhood Benco was
diagnosed as suffering from osteo-myelitis, a disease which required him to undergo serious
medical treatments, and would trouble him for the rest of his life. Benco's involvement in
journalism began very early in his life. The death of his father made him interrupt his schooling
in 1889 and start, at the age of sixteen, an apprenticeship in the Triestine newspaper
L'Indipendente. The journal, described as "a journal against an empire" (Flora 1957: 10), was
know to be irredentistic and was at that time going through a particularly difficult phase: its
previous editorial staff was, as Benco himself recalled, "not surprisingly, in the prisons of
Innsbruck"."
Besides strengthening his feelings of patriotism, during his employment at L'Indipendente,
Benco met numerous artists and friends who were to remain around him throughout his life. In
the 1890s, these included the writer Ettore Schmitz (better known by his artistic name of Italo
Svevo), the critic Gian Giacomo Manzutto and the director of L'Indipendente, Riccardo
Zampieri, whose brother was a close friend of Ferruccio Busoni.12 From Benco's friendship
with Italo Svevo, for example, we can recognise the kind of activities and interests which these
intellectuals shared: besides formulating in their writings their interest in arts and politics, both
studied foreign languages, traveled abroad, and were social friends of James Joyce. They
continually read foreign literature, showing particular interest in the works of Shakespeare,
Goethe and Schiller; they both admired music, attended major musical events, and shared the
hobby of playing the violin. In other words, as Benco's granddaughter Anna Gruber Benco
said, "his true friends were James Joyce, Italo Svevo and Umberto Saba. They looked alike
even physically!".13
It was in 1903, around the time Benco was about to get married to Delia de Zuccoli, that Benco
moved from L'Indipendente to the editorial staff of II Piccolo.14 He ceased to sign his articles
under the pseudonyms "Jago" or "Falco", primarily because II Piccolo was not as political, and
secondly because he had now established himself as a critic and did not need to hide behind
n
From Silvio Benco, Trieste tra '800 e '900, p. 255. For Riccardo Zampieri see Personalia, Appendix A.
12
Busoni is known to have "dictated between 1884-1885 some twenty articles [for L'Indipendente], the only ones
written by the artist in Italian", from Levi, La vita musicale a Trieste, pp. 24-25. On Manzutto and Svevo see
Personalia, Appendix A.
13
From an interview with Benco's granddaughter which was held on 7 May 1997. For more on Anna Benco see
Personalia, Appendix A.
14
They married in August of 1904. About Delia de Zuccoli see Personalia, Appendix A.
62
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
false names. His responsibilities as a journalist stretched from writing a regular theatrical
column to writing a number of feature stories on musical and non-musical subjects. Their
diversity has been captured in the collection entitled La corsa del tempo." Chosen by Benco's
friend, the poet Umberto Saba, the articles and essays were grouped into sections with the
following subtitles: Anatomies and funerals (Anatomie e funebri), City and nature (Citta e
natura), When the past was present (Quando il passato era presente), Impressions offigures
(Impressioni di figure) and War and peace (La guerra e la pace). Benco remained in the
editorial office of 11 Piccolo and of II Piccolo della Sera, with the exception of brief
interruptions during the two World Wars, until 1945. In the meantime, on his return from exile
in 1918 he founded the periodical Umana," and was the co-founder of La Nazione, the daily
newspaper which temporarily replaced the banned II Piccolo. He also contributed to other
newspapers, such as La Voce Libera, 11 Secolo, II Resto del Carlino, II Messaggero and II
Corriere della Sera.
It must be mentioned that Benco's life and career developed within a phase of Italian history
which stirred patriotic feelings similar to the times of Risorgimento. The difference was that,
this time, the movement was localised: for an Italian, life in Trieste at the turn of the century
was particularly agitated. In 1891 the city lost its status of a free port, a privilege which it had
held since 1719, when it was conferred by the Austrian Emperor Charles VI. The continuous
presence of the Austrian government among what was predominantly an Italian population,
created a feeling amongst the citizens of Trieste of living in what one critic described as an
"experimental city"." Since by the end of the century and in the early twentieth century the
town had gradually become the most important port of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the
atmosphere remained politically and socially very tense. Benco had developed an interest in
politics as a teenager, and by the time he was 24, in 1908, he was given charge of the column
called "The thread of politics" (Ilfilo della politico), in the Sunday editions of II Piccolo. His
enthusiasm for defending Trieste and Italy, in opposition to the Austro-Hungarian government,
twice caused his arrest while still a teenager, and eventually lead to his exile in Linz during the
First World War.18 In 1946, for his life's work and his contribution to the city's culture, he
received the title of laurea in honoris causa from the University of Trieste. He died in Gorizia
on 8 March 1949.
Benco, La corsa del tempo; cf. Chapter II, p. 23, footnote 14.
16
Benco's Umana was published in that year only. In 1951 Benco's daughter Aurelia Gruber Benco started again
with the publication of the journal, until 1973. See Personalia, Appendix A.
From the article by Remigio Marini published in La Voce Libera, 26 March 1949.
During the First World War the whole editorial staff of II Piccolo was, at some point, exiled. Benco, in his
autobiography, recalled his effort to try to keep up with the journal's publishing, but on one occasion fire broke in
and almost cost Benco his life. From Benco, La Voce Libera, 9 March 1949.
63
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
III. 3 Benco as remembered in Italian literature
Fra quanti libri strani possiede la letteratura moderna, e Ulysses il libro piu strano in cui io mi sia
mai imbattuto. [Benco on James Joyce, in II Baretti, 10 May 1925]
[Of all the strange books of modern literature, Ulysses is the strangest of all those which I have come
across.]
When one is reading the critical writings on Benco, the feature which stands out is the respect
with which he is spoken of. He is seen as "among the most illustrious personalities in Trieste",
the figure who dominated the panorama of intellectual life in the city in the first half of the
twentieth century.19 Among the vast amount of written work which Benco created, his articles
predominate. The published editions in which many of them are collected stand as the most
vivid confirmation of his commitment to the cultural life of his city."° His role as a journalist
enabled him to follow the leading political and cultural events in Trieste and outside.
Furthermore, such an environment provided him with an opportunity to meet numerous fellow
artists, amongst whom it is particularly worth while to mention James Joyce.
Joyce's life in Italy has been extensively studied by many scholars; the sources include
memoirs and recollections of Joyce by his pupils or friends, including those of Benco and his
family.2' The picture we get from sources on Benco and Joyce, is of a respectful and long-
lasting friendship, which developed beyond the time Joyce spent in Trieste. The two writers
continued to correspond once Joyce moved to Zurich (1915-1918) and later to Paris (1920-
1941). We learn for example that, Joyce's brother, Stanislaus, visited Benco a few times while
Benco was in internment in Linz, bringing "his brother's greetings", as well as an edition of
Dubliners." In the meantime, Joyce himself sent to Benco copies of Exiles and A Portrait of the
Artist as a young man. Later on, the Irish writer would do the same with Ulysses:
Grazie della lettera. Prego imposti il 'typescript' dei due episodi insieme colla rivista anche ad
Ettore Schmitz per essere trasmessi poi a mio fratello. Glieli promisi quando era qui di passaggio
qualche mese fa. E mi scriva che cosa pensa di Madonna Circe e delle sue significazioni non appena
le urne urinarie lo permetteranno. Cordiali saluti. James Joyce, [letter from Joyce to Benco, send
from Paris on 2 February 1927]
19
From Francesco Flora 1957, Celebrazione di Silvio Benco, introduction by Rafaello Courten, Trieste: Circolo della
cultura e delle arti, p. 6.
20
The published collections of Benco's articles and essays, besides those already mentioned, are Benco, Scritti di
critica\ Benco, Scritti musicali. Cf. Chapter II, p. 23, footnote 14.
21
See for example the article by Aurelia Gruber Benco 1972, "Between Joyce and Benco", in James Joyce
Quarterly 9/ 3, pp. 328-333.
22
Stanislaus was apparently also in internment in "the neighboring camp of Katzenau", cf. Willard Potts, ed., 1969,
Portraits of the Artist, p. 56.
64
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
[Thank you for your letter. Please, post the 'typescript' of the two episodes along with the journal
also to Ettore Schmitz, which will be then passed on to my brother. I promised it to him when he
was passing through a few months ago. And tell me what you think of Madonna Circe and of her
23
significance as soon as the urinary urns allow it. Affectionate greetings. James Joyce]
It appears that after he had sent Benco several chapters of Ulysses, he also mailed him a
"review copy" of the book, a privilege which apparently only one other Italian enjoyed."4 From
Benco's own recollections we discover that his wife, Delia de Zuccoli, on one occasion had
visited Joyce and his family while in Paris; she found him "rather changed... he's getting
younger, and has become altogether a man of the world. In his house, as always, music
reigns... and the Triestine dialect is the family's customary language.... They all speak our
dialect, taking pleasure in preserving the harshness of the local accent.... He recalls one by one
the many Triestines to whom he taught English..." (Potts 1979: 49-50).
It could be said that, if we try to place Joyce in relation to the ambience of the letteratura
triestina he appears to be one of its non-ordinary members. Numerous sources confirm the fact
that he was profoundly fond of Trieste. The reasons were numerous: Trieste was a 'European
influenced' city, which consisted of mixed cultures, had a variety of spoken languages, and was
full of foreigners which gave it cosmopolitan features; furthermore, something in its "wide bay
... resembled that ofDublin", and even the people appeared to be "of the same temperament as
himself' (Crivelli 1996: 70). We know that Joyce had a hard time leaving it; an experience he
faced twice: first in 1915, due to the First World War, and then again in 1920, because upon his
25
return from Zurich after the war, the city was not the same.
Before Joyce left Trieste for "the rich cultural environment which was the Paris of the
twenties" (Crivelli 1996: 16), his achievements had been quite considerable and in fact he
carried out a considerable amount of his major works. "[H]e published his first book, Chamber
Music-, wrote twelve chapters of his first novel, Stephen Hero; finished Dubliners; rewrote
Stephen Hero as A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man; completed his play, Exiles; and began
According to Will Sayers, it is possible that Joyce was asking Benco to view his draft of the Nighttown section of
Ulysses, as soon as Benco's health permits. In his comment on "urinary urns", Joyce was probably playing with the
expression "urne cinerarie", possibly meaning as 'chamber pots', suggesting some disorder of the urinary tract
which Benco may have had. The card which Joyce sent to Benco is kept in Biblioteca Civica in Trieste; the text is
quoted in its entirety, and to my knowledge has not been yet published. My gratitude should be expressed to Mr.
Will Sayers, from Cornell University Library, for his assistance in interpreting and translating this Joyce's letter.
24
The other Italian to whom Joyce sent a review copy of Ulysses was Carlo Linati, the Italian writer who had
translated Exiles, and wrote about Joyce's work. Cf. Willard Potts, Portraits of the Artist, p. 48.
25
More on Joyce's difficulties in leaving Trieste see Crivelli, Itinerari Triestini: James Joyce, pp. 10-14.
65
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
Ulysses" (Potts 1979: 47)."6 The period of his development in Trieste dates back to 1904, the
year in which, he applied for a teaching post in Zurich while still in Dublin. However he
pursued a series of adventurous experiences and ended up in Trieste's Berlitz language school
. 27
instead." At that time he was gaining a reputation as a "newcomer who was a marvel at
teaching English" rather than a young Irish writer."8 As he used to say, he taught English "to
everyone in Trieste"; his popularity provided him with numerous pupils, with many of whom
he developed close friendships, such as Italo Svevo and Roberto Prezioso.29
The friendship with Benco started off in a slightly different manner. When in 1907 Joyce came
to the editorial staff of II Piccolo della Sera in order to write a series of articles on Ireland,
Benco was one of the journalists he was introduced to. Their friendship developed while the
two of them 'worked' together on revising Joyce's articles, which he had written in Italian.30
After a few sessions however, the situation changed: "the day we argued about a word and he
was right, with his dictionary in his hand, it became clear to me that his manuscripts no longer
needed my corrections" (Willard Potts 1979: 52). Although he thought that Joyce's Italian was
"a bit hard and cautious, but lacked neither precision nor expressiveness", what Benco was
intrigued by during such sessions was the singularity of Joyce's literary style, something that he
later described as "poetic torment, the keen critical mind, the paradoxical diablerie of Joyce"
(Potts 1979: 52). During their encounters Benco and Joyce soon ended up engaging in
intellectual discussions. Their educational backgrounds revealed that they shared the same
interests in literature (noticeably in Ibsen, and in D'Annunzio for example), they admired
contemporary art and were intrigued by psychology, a fact which can be explained by the two
of them belonging to the same Triestine scene. At the time, the popular authors which they
debated included, for example, Strindberg and Ibsen, as well as Freud, the psychoanalyst whose
echo in Trieste was particularly vibrant.3' As one of his students recalled, Joyce himself left a
strong impression on his pupils, since while teaching them English he talked to them about
26
An account of Joyce's achievements while the artist lived in Trieste is given also in the excellent article by Benco,
entitled "James Joyce", see Benco, Scritti di critica, p. 126.
27
Joyce first spent some time in the Istrian town, Pola, and then moved to Trieste in the spring of 1905. For more
about Joyce's arrival in Italy, see Chapter II. 2. v. Also see Crivelli, James Joyce.
28
From Benco, "James Joyce in Trieste", in Scritti di critica, p. 50.
29
Roberto Prezioso was the editor of II Piccolo della Sera in 1907, the year in which Joyce was introduced to the
journalists of the newspaper and started to collaborate with Benco. Joyce's comment was mentioned in Benco's
article "Un illustre scrittore inglese a Trieste", in Benco, Scritti di critica, p.l 17.
30
Cf. Chapter II. 2. v. An account of the articles which Joyce had written for this newspaper can be found in Benco's
essay "James Joyce in Trieste", in ibid, and in Crivelli, James Joyce.
31
It appears that until 1929, Trieste was the only city in Italy which had a psychoanalyst. Dr. Weiss, who was from
Austria, was also a student of Freud. See Corvetto, "Silvio Benco narratore", p. 11.
66
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
"Kokoschka, Mestrovich"; his conversations were always "vivid, incisive, and so varied that
nobody could foresee its subjects.. .".32
Much as this kind of discussion affected Benco, even more significant was the impact of
Joyce's written work. Since Svevo, Prezioso and his brother Stanislaus were "no longer being
suitably understanding or sympathetic" (Potts 1979: 48), it was Benco who became for a while
Joyce's "literary confidant". Benco wrote two particularly valuable articles after reading
Dubliners, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man and Ulysses." Taking a "risk" of discussing
a "very difficult Irish writer", Benco reflected on Joyce's style, singling out the kind of features
which remain most distinctive for the Irish writer: his faith in always representing the truth,
even when describing a human soul; his attention in observing and analysing human life in all
its aspects; his skills in psychological investigation and reflection; and above all, his musical
prose:
E il color locale, il color degli uomini, delle idee, delle parole stesse: parole in grigioperla
potrebbero dirsi, poiche l'autore le coglie nella realta, non altrove che nella realta, fedele per
principio alia rappresentazione meticolosa del vero,... le coglie nella realta ma fa giuocare [sic] su di
esse una luce, fa correre un ritmo, una cadenza espressiva, che appartengono alia facolta illuminante
ed armonizzatrice dell'arte. [Benco, "James Joyce", in Scritti di critica, p. 118],
[It is the local colour, the colour of people, of ideas, of words themselves: pearl-gray words, one
might say, since the author catches them only in reality, faithful as he is, in principle, to the
meticulous representation of reality, ... he captures them in reality but throws upon them a light,
creates rhythm, an expressive cadenza, which are the illuminating and harmonising strengths of
-i34
art.]
We must turn our attention to the city of Trieste. Set in a bay at the north-eastern corner of the
Adriatic sea, Trieste's physical layout, as well as its turbulent history, gave to this city an
identity which could be described as somewhat odd, and which Italian writers characterised as
"contrasting":
Questa citta, che ha una sua lunga storia e non ha storia, ...che appartiene da sempre all'Italia ed e
troncata dall'Italia; questa citta provinciale, che ha il respiro di una grande citta europea...; Trieste
Mestrovich was a Serbian sculptor whom Joyce greatly admired; he had some of his work in his home. The
quotation derives from one of Joyce's students, Mario Nordio, at the time a young Triestine critic. Cf. Mario Nordio,
"My First English Teacher", p. 323.
33
Both articles are published in Benco, Scritti di critica.
34
Joyce's love for music, his passionate singing, attendance of operas, and his high opinion of Smareglia's music
has been mentioned in Chapter II. 2. v.
67
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
vive, incitante con suoi contrasti... . [Giani Stuparich, "Amore per Trieste", in L'Approdo letterario
9, 1960, p. 4]
[This city, which has its own long history and has no history, ... which has always belonged to Italy
and is broken off from Italy; this provincial city, which has the atmosphere of a great European
city...; Trieste lives inspiring in its contrasts....]
Politically the image of the city became gradually more complex; it led, at first, to the
emergence of strong irredentism, which, at a later date, was in large part responsible for Italy's
becoming involved in World War I. On the other hand, culturally, the closeness of three
cultures was enriching. It meant a "confluence of different cultures and experiences, from
Italian to German and Slav" (Flora 1957; 11). The fact that the city was open to the artistic
influences of its neighbouring cultures, in particular German and Slav, meant that Trieste was
also, more than any other Italian town, Austrian - oriented. In other words, there was an influx
from all sides: the chronicle of the musical life in Trieste at the time reveals numerous artists
from Austria, Hungary or Istria working and living in Trieste, while many Triestines or Istrians
ended up going to study in Vienna, one example being Smareglia himself.35
In such a social and cultural milieu, Benco seems to have appeared at the right moment. A
spirit that was profoundly Italian as well as cosmopolitan enabled him to embody the
connection between different arts and to unify them. Besides engaging in political affairs, he
soon became involved in artistic ones. For example, one particular issue in the last decade of
the century was how to judge the music of Wagner. Along with the critic Manzutto, Benco took
the position of 'defending' the music of Wagner against the 'old fashioned critics' following
the Triestine premiere of Die Walkiire in 1893.36 More importantly, it was around that time, in
1894, that he met with Antonio Smareglia. Their encounter, as was mentioned earlier, occurred
in Manzutto's house.37 Although their meeting might have been coincidental, it seems
reasonable to believe that this was not the case with their collaboration. The fact that Smareglia
was a declared Wagnerian must surely have had a bearing on his decision to accept the idea of
Benco writing a libretto for him when he was asked to do so in 1895. Because of Benco's
general critical alertness to what was happening in the arts, and because of his interest in music,
the encounter with Smareglia proved to be more significant than either might at first have
thought.
A more detailed account of these artists can be found in Levi, La vita musicale.
36
See Vito Levi, Guido Botteri and Ireneo Bremini, II Comunale di Trieste, pp. 45-46. For more on Benco's articles
on Wagner see section III. 4 of this chapter.
37
See Chapter II. 2. v.
68
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
III. 4 Benco as a librettist - ideas, characteristics and influences
Certo gli fu il compagno e guida in questo suo viaggio musicale Antonio Smareglia... . [Levi, in La
Voce Libera, 8 April 1949.]
[Certainly, his companion and his guide in this musical journey was Antonio Smareglia.]
One thing that distinguishes Benco from the other members of the letteratura triestina was his
interest in musical theatre. His involvement in libretto-writing began very early in his career:
by 1895, besides his first text for Smareglia, La Falena, he had written a substantial number of
articles for L'Indipendente, some poetry and one short story, and was becoming known more as
a journalist than a writer.38 In the years from 1892 to 1894 he developed an idea for what would
become his first novel, II castello dei desideri.'' Among seven libretti in total, created in the
span of twenty years, the three texts written for Smareglia (besides Falena, there was Oceana
in 1898 and Abisso in 1906) were the ones which became most widely recognised and earned
him a reputation as a librettist. The remaining four libretti are lesser known: while La morte
dell'usignolo and II lago by Smareglia and Zuccoli respectively remained incomplete, the two
written for Gian Francesco Malipiero, Elen e Fuldano (1907-9) and Canossa (1911-12), were
destined to fall into oblivion, one of the reasons being Malipiero's own secretive attitude
towards any work he composed before 1922.40
A study of Benco's libretto-writing reveals that he was an unusual figure. One curiosity, for
example, is the fact, that unlike most musico-dramatic works of the 19th century, which were
based on a pre-existing play or novel, Benco's libretti were all created out of his own
imagination. Furthermore, a closer look at their plots, atmospheres, and metric structure reveals
literary qualities which were different from traditional libretto writing. Because his priorities
were literary ones, he paid scant regard to the formal features of traditional libretto
craftsmanship. His creativity was animated by the suggestive and mysterious world of the
Symbolists, as well as by the elements of the 'fantastic', which he assimilated from his
favourite writer, Shakespeare, and from figurative art. As a result, during his earlier phase in
particular (until 1905), he composed the kind of stories which seem vague and timeless (Falena
and Oceana for example), and in which nature is transformed and given particular force, as in a
In his short autobiography Benco mentioned his early poems. See Benco, in La Voce Libera, 8 March 1949.
39
This novel occupied Benco more than any other work: he completed II castello dei desideri by 1898 and rewrote it
in 1903. The book was finally published in 1906 with D'Annunzio's help: the writer's encouragement of Benco's
book can be seen, to an extent, in the letters which he sent to Benco. The letters are preserved in the Biblioteca
Civica in Trieste under the signature R. P. Ms. Misc. 58, 10.
40
For a more complete account of Malipiero's two operas written on Benco's texts see J. C. Waterhouse, Gian
Francesco Malipiero, p. 93, pp. 109-110.
69
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
painting by Bocklin.41 The feature which is common to all of Benco's libretti is that there is not
the logical continuity of a well-made plot, nor the dramatic effectiveness we find in the libretti
of Boito or the Giacosa - Illica team. More in-depth investigation of his libretti reveals that
they formed part of the literary project he was engaged in throughout his career: all of the seven
libretti are closely tied in with his own novels. In other words, it seems that Benco's libretti fall
within what Jiirgen Maehder described as Literaturoper
Although Maehder in his discussion of the origins of Italian Literaturoper, restricted the term
to the kind of opera "based on a text that existed as a play before it was set to music by another
person", he agrees that there are many borderline cases "in which the term is often used to
indicate the literary value of the libretto itself, or of the source play, novel or poetry" (Maehder
1988: 92). It is in this category that Benco's operatic texts belong. In fact, the problem which
one encounters when studying his work as a librettist relates to the whole panorama at the turn
of the nineteenth and twentieth century in which the art of libretto writing was drastically
changing. The collaboration between the younger generation of composers and the poets or
writers who were new to the task of writing an opera led to a changing relation between the two
parties. The younger composers looked for different and more interesting poets rather than
professional librettists. It was the kind of collaboration in which a composer, wanting to move
away from traditional subjects and plots, encounters a poet whose interest goes beyond the
creation of the text itself: he needs music to exalt his poetry. In the case of Benco himself, he
went as far as suggesting to Smareglia, through his text, the images he thought were suitable
and needed music. In doing so, his involvement moved in the same direction as D'Annunzio
with Pizzetti. The writer went through many stages of collaborations before he was finally
satisfied with Pizzetti. He claimed that his music "maintains intact the predominance of the
word... In his Fedra ... the word emerges ... in the silence which precedes the sounds and in
the silence which follows them".43
It was Francesco Flora who compared the atmosphere of Benco's novel II castello dei desideri to that of the Swiss
painter Bocklin and to the German painter Franz von Stuck (1863-1928), a member of the Munich Secessionist
Group, whose art also has an allegorical and symbolic character. As well as Bocklin some Belgian Symbolist
painters (such as Fernard Khnopff) who evoked the same marine and mysterious atmospheres as Maeterlinck's
, might have exerted some influence on Benco's imagination. I owe this suggestion to Dr. Paul Barnaby.
Jiirgen Maehder 1988, "The Origins of Italian Literaturoper: Guglielmo Ratcliff, La figlia di Iorio, Parisina and
Francesca da Rimini", in Reading Opera, ed. By Arthur Gross and Roger Parker, New Jersey: Princeton University
Press.
43
The full description is as following: "Una musica che mantenga intatto il predominio della parola, la sua. Nella
Fedra... la parola emerge... nel silenzio che precede i suoni e nel silenzio che li segue", from Rubens Tedeschi
1988, D'Annunzio e la musica, Scandicci, Florence: La Nuova Italia, p. 84. D'Annunzio was particularly prone to be
involved in composing the music as well, in his collaborations with Puccini, Mascagni and Franchetti for example.
Cf. Chapter V.
70
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
To an extent, for the Italian operatic scene, the emergence of Literaturoper meant the active
participation of its most influential writer at the time, Gabriele D'Annunzio.44 D'Annunzio's
influence on both literature and music was "insidious and hypnotic" and "pervaded an entire
epoch of Italian history" (Waterhouse 1968: 17). With regard to his involvement in music
theatre, he gradually became popular, appealing to those composers who wanted particular
literary stimulus, and who were interested in more sophisticated themes, the ones Puccini called
"always a bit in the clouds".45 A curious example is Franchetti, who was at once fascinated with
the "pastoral tragedy", La figlia di Iorio, upon reading a summary in a journal. In spite of his
initial lack of belief in D'Annunzio's theatre, Franchetti was instantly excited about it,
recognising in it a "strong drama" and the "elements of a grand libretto" (Tedeschi 1988, 41)."6
Even though D'Annunzio began writing for the musical theatre later on in his career (with
Parisina, in 1906), much later than Benco himself did, it was clear that the poet's previous
writings greatly appealed to Benco; this influence was further intensified after they met in
1902.47 When his first libretto came to public attention (Falena's premiere in 1897), the style of
Benco's writing provoked strong criticism from those who condemned his bizarre subject and
its theatrical inefficiency. Such criticism was also directed towards his other writing;
unconventional stories emerged from his libretti as well as the novels. The themes he dealt with
as well as the kind of characters he created were the aspects which, as the critics noticed,
confirmed his awareness of the fin-de-siecle mood. Although Chapter IV investigates the
atmosphere of Decadence in relation to Benco's writing of Falena, it is relevant to emphasise
that Benco absorbed everything he read at the time; in his texts there are echoes of many other
writers, especially ofWilde, Kipling, Rossetti and all of the French Symbolists.48
Even in the titles of Benco's works of prose fiction, which were written alongside his libretti, 11
castello dei desideri (1906), La fiamma fredda (1900) and Nell 'atmosfera del sole (1918), there
is a reflection of his response to the artistic climate of the time. All three novels have much in
common with the themes and preoccupations of his libretti. One of the fundamental particulars
44
Cf. Chapter VI. 4.
45
"Un po sempre nelle nuvole", Puccini's expression, in a letter to Ricordi, in regard to Rosa di Ciprio, one of the
texts on which D'Annunzio was working at the time (around 1906) especially for Puccini. Cf. Tedeschi, D'Annunzio
e la musica, p. 47.
46
More detailed discussion on La figlia di Iorio is in Chapter IV of this thesis. See also ibid., pp. 41-44.
The existence of part of the correspondence which the two poets exchanged sheds more light on their friendship.
In the letters which D'Annunzio sent to Benco (dating from 1902-1918), some parts of the text reveal how
D'Annunzio enjoyed talking about his work to Benco, how they "love the same things" and how "the poet feels he
needs to talk to Benco". This part of their correspondence is available from the Biblioteca Civica in Trieste, R. P.
Ms. Misc. 58, 10. Unfortunately, the letters which Benco sent to D'Annunzio were unavailable at the time of this
research.
48
Benco himself mentioned these artists often in his writings.
71
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
about Benco's stories is the deliberate absence of real, dramatic fibre, in order to create more
poetic writing and evocative stage pictures. This characteristic in D'Annunzio's novels Trionfo
49
della morte (1894) and II fuoco (1900) has been described as "the abandonment of the plot".
The impression that "nothing ever happens", produced by D'Annunzio's Trionfo della morte,
for example, resembles the slow, narrative atmosphere in Benco's II castello dei desideri: the
story tells of the "dispersed desires" (Flora 1957: 19) of the three protagonists. All three
individuals have peculiar characteristics: there is Bertramo, a "philosopher" who has written a
"shocking" book entitled II morale della morte. He is ironic and mysterious, showing "no trace
of age".50 With an attitude similar to that of a psychiatrist, Bertramo's conversations become
irritating to the characters: he provokes them into talking about their repressed feelings, dreams
and memories, and he then continuously analyses them. His friend Zoilo is the opposite:
instead of intellectualism, he dedicates himself to "love". On the question of whether he is
happy with his life, he answers "I have always distracted myself with love".5' 'Never bored' in
his life, Zoilo is the homme fatal in the novel, whose perversity eventually costs him his life.
The story is set in a castle owned by the Duke Ulrico, who is one of Benco's weak, utterly
helpless characters, a man whose "soul is in pain".5" Once he is seized by strange sensations, for
example during his wedding night with a wife whom he does not yet love, his conscience
disturbs him and he becomes unable to behave normally. A similar kind of agitation is
experienced by King Stellio, when he succumbs to the strange appeal of Falena; or by the poet
Mariano Ruda (from Benco's novel La fiamtna fredda) who is fascinated by the protagonist, a
"glacier/Farouche", to borrow Schmidgal's phrase, a "fierce glacier" woman called Arsinoe."
It is relevant to point out that the atmosphere of 11 castello dei desideri also recalls Maeterlinck.
The similarities are numerous: its non-historical, anti-realist setting, the pervading echo of a
legend or a fairy tale, peopled with characters whose names are often invented or belong to a
variety of cultures, and their sense of being prey to strange sensations or enchantments. On the
other hand there are features in the novel which much more strongly evoke the influence of
D'Annunzio: Benco's language contrasts with the simple, almost fairy-tale language of
49
Robert Adams 1968, "The Operatic Novel: Joyce and D'Annunzio", in New Looks at Italian Opera: Essays in
Honour of Donald J. Grout, ed. by William W. Austin, New York: Cornell University Press, p. 267. The
abandonment of the plot and a symphonic arrangement of text is developed also in the short novel Le vergini delle
rocce (1895); information from a private conversation with Dr. Paul Barnaby.
50
Silvio Benco 1911,// castello dei desideri, Milan: Fratelli Treves, p. 3.
51
Ibid., pp. 124-125.
52
Duke described himself and his girlfriend Laus as "un anima malata e la sua cura", see Benco 1911, II castello dei
desideri, p. 8.
53
Schmidgal uses this expression (in quotation) in discussing Mallarme's poem "Herodiade" in which the central
femme fatale is called "glacier / Farouche". See Schmidgal, Literature as Opera, p. 256.
72
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
Maeterlinck, and moves more in the direction of the kind of recherche prose suggested by
D'Annunzio's style, which reached its fullest expression in II fuoco (1900).54
Benco's stories such as 11 castello dei desideri, Falena, or Abisso, unfold through a series of
sensations experienced, or even lived by their characters: we learn about their inner feelings
and the dreams that intoxicate them, and of their explosive desires, which lead them to immoral
behaviour, revealing the dark comers of their psyche. There is very little external action in
Benco's fictional writing; instead, there are subtle shadings of characters' "stati d'animo"
(states of mind) as well as an endless number of descriptive passages which create vivid
images. His fascination with nature led him to observe it and evoke its immanent forces,
creating a powerful background in which his characters exist; sometimes it is a nocturnal sea
picture, at other times it is a warm, summer afternoon with a mild erotic breeze sensed in the
air:
Da parecchie ore si alternavano pioggie brevi e fugaci pallori di sole, fra guazzi di nuvole. Or dalle
aperte finestre una fragranza d'umido e di terra vermicolante e lasciva si insinuava e si fondeva in
sensazione piu vigorosa agli odori del tabacco e del vino; ora v'entrava, tepido come il fiato, un
erotico soffio d'aria pluvia e su le chiome euritmiche dei faggi si scorgeva una rincorsa di perle... E
l'ondeggiare di frasi isolate dalle labbra di Zoilo, e le ispirazioni sbalzanti di Bertramo su la
mandola... . [From Benco's II castello dei desideri, p. 42].
[Brief showers had been alternating for hours with fleeting sun rays infiltrating in between scattered
clouds. One moment a scent of moisture and wormy, lascivious soil would seep in and blend into
powerful sensation with the tobacco and wine fragrance; the next an erotic breeze of rain-laden air,
mild as a breath, would come in and in between the eurhythmic foliages of the beeches one could
notice the glimmering of pearls ... and the fluctuating of isolated phrases coming from Zoilo's lips,
and Bertramo's bold inspirations on the mandola... .]
Besides the kind of writing in which the story unfolds through narration, recollection or visions
rather than through a dramatic action, another recurring aspect of Benco's stories is the
attention he pays to the world of sensual and somewhat bizarre pleasures. One might mention
Bertramo at the moment when he admires and touches the dead body of Zoilo's lover," or the
scene in act II of Abisso, with Hanno's flagrant seduction of Mariela, while her sister Gisca is
present. In one story after another the characters explore their sexuality: in Falena, it will be
The three characters in Benco's novel to an extent bring together the three heroes of D'Annunzio's works: the
sensualist Andrea Sperelli of II piacere, the psychological experimenter Tullio Hermil of L'Innocente and the
impotent abulic Giorgio Aurispa of II trionfo delta morte. This information has been noted from the private
conversation with Paul Barnaby. On D'Annunzio's novel II fuoco, see Chapter IV. 3, and Chapter V. 3. iii.
See Benco, II castello, pp. 172-173.
73
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
the repressed, subconscious world of the King Stellio; in Abisso, it is the sensuality of the two
sisters; in the novel II castello dei desideri it is the openly indulgent behaviour of the young
man Zoilo. The slow and heavy atmosphere which is often felt in Benco's stories presents the
inner lives of the characters as nervous and reactive; the conditions of these characters are the
subject matter of the drama. It is not so surprising that Benco's stories were, on more than one
occasion, compared to the paintings of Bocklin.56 One interpretation is that Benco supplied
'latent dramaturgy'; the apparently static images in his stories hide the whole world underneath
them. The characters in them are moved by mysterious forces which are beyond their control.
Such situations can be seen in the nightmare of King Stellio, as it extends through the whole
second act of the opera, or in Gisca's hallucination, in which she sees an apparition of a priest
(in act II of Abisso), as well as in the 'fantastic comedy' Oceana, in the scene when the siren's
song is about to cause the wreck of a ship which is approaching.
Consistent in his leaning to the aesthetic of Decadence, Benco's works appear saturated with
the themes of sensuality. An important part of this is the image of the femme fatale, who is
often present in Benco's stories and will be discussed in the chapter on Falena. Furthermore, it
can be said that almost all of the characters found in Benco's libretti have their prototype
somewhere in his novels.
III. 5 Writings on music
Benco's aesthetic views and ideas on music can be most closely seen in his critical writings on
music. Although a detailed study of them would lead us away from the main theme of this
study, a brief account is necessary. Of the articles written throughout his career, Benco
dedicated about one tenth to musical subjects. The volume entitled Scritti musicali di Silvio
Benco assembles a large number of them. It is a compilation which includes the most diverse
titles, reflecting the writer's vivid interest in the cultural scene around him."
What is particularly noticeable, even within the published collection, is the high proportion of
articles written on Wagner.58 The earliest date back to 1893 and relate to a notable event in
Trieste: the staging of Wagner's Die Walkiire, which provoked a polemical debate in more
For example Flora, Celebrazione di Silvio Benco. The painter's influence on Benco and the direct link with the
images of Oceana are discussed in Chapter V. 3. i.
57
Benco, Scritti musicali.
58
Out of fourtfive articles, eleven concern Wagner.
74
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
conservative circles.59 What transpires from the Wagner articles is the respectful way in which
Benco talked about the German master. The articles seem almost a kind of homage to the
composer; in his evident admiration, Benco sought to bring the "divine genius" (il genio
divino) and his art closer to the Triestine public. In doing so, he avoided a critical tone: Benco
defended Wagner by comparing him to Italian composers who could not escape the influence
ofWagner's ideals in developing their own operatic style. In other words, according to Benco,
the "destiny" of Italian music was guiding it towards such novelty.60 In his discussions, Benco
emphasised the difference between Die Walkiire and Wagner's early operas, with which the
Italian public was more comfortable (such as Tannhauser and Lohengrin). Die Walkiire was
more complex, it was "entirely poetic", and the kind of musical theatre which had its own
"soul", its "mind" and its own "aesthetic principle", which had to be understood and listened to
in a different way from what one was used to.61 Wagner's opera embodied "intimate
conviction" and an "elevated concept of opera", in which Benco saw the new form of poetry on
stage, the kind of poetic theatre which he soon went about creating with Smareglia. It can be
said that at a time when Wagner's influence was still an issue widely debated among artists,
Benco stepped in with the kind of commentaries which, although cautiously written, revealed
his understanding of the composer and reflect an individuality that is stronger than one would
expect from a nineteen-year-old critic.
Another impressive feature of Benco's articles on music is the diversity of their topics, which
range from the article on Giovannina Lucca (1894), to reflections such as Musica di
Shakespeare, Musica e nostalgia (in 1905) and Hanslick e la sua sorte (1904). Although
revealing that he is capable of grasping the essentials of the events or of the artistic work he has
seen or read, Benco's complex visions at times seem disappointingly unapproachable. Their
tantalizingly vague and overly philosophical tone make it difficult to draw well defined
conclusions. Nevertheless, the essays entitled I contatti delle arti (in 1906), or 7 postwagneriani
(1906) for example, deserve to be mentioned because they, once again, confirm that Benco was
particularly perceptive in recognising the essential issues of the arts at the turn of the century.
Writing about the movements which followed Romanticism, Benco draws attention to the
expressive synthesis between the arts. An illustration of his view can be seen in the following
quotation:
Dopo il romanticismo vennero nelfanima umana altre cose: venne il naturalismo, con le sue analisi
a punta fina e le sue dissezioni di ambienti; venne rimpressionismo pittorico, con la sua rapidita di
59
Among Benco's articles which have not been included in the selected edition there are several more about Wagner
written in 1891 and 1892. See ibid., p. 231.
60
Benco mentioned the example of Boito, Catalani, Franchetti and Verdi's Otello. See ibid., p. 12.
61
The article which emphasised this point is "Wagner e il pubblico", ibid., p. 14.
75
Chapter III - Silvio Benco
visione nello sfolgorio della luce; e venne anche quel fenomeno d'arte che fu chiamato "la
decadenza", e di cui la nota fondamentale mi sembra essere la sovrapposizione di tutte le arti,
dimodoche un romanzo rifaccia una sinfonia, la scena del teatro rifaccia un quadro, e quadro
somigli una partitura di musica. [Benco, in Scritti musicali, p. 143]
[After Romanticism, other things entered the human soul: there was naturalism, with its precise
analysis and its dissection of the environment; there was impressionism in figurative art, with its
rapidity of vision in the glare of light; and there appeared that phenomenon in the arts called
"decadence", of which the fundamental principle seems to be the superposition of all the arts, so that
a novel recreates a symphony, a stage-setting recreates a painting, and a painting resembles a
musical score.]
III. 6 Conclusion
The primary purpose of this overview was to give an introduction to the range of Benco as an
artist. The idea was to draw attention to those significant elements of his literary style which
are reflected in his libretti, and to point to those particularities of his taste in arts and literature
which directed his imagination as a writer. The complexity of his character as a journalist, poet,
writer and a librettist makes it difficult to provide more than a partial view. The aspects
discussed do, however, serve as a preparatory guide towards the main subject of this study: the
three operas written by Antonio Smareglia.
76
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
CHAPTER IV
LA FALENA - "ACTIVITY IN DREAM"
La Falena, leggenda in three acts.
Venice, Teatro Rossini, 6 September 1897.
[L]o spettacolo incontro pienamente il favore del pubblico, il quale continuera certamente
numeroso a gustare 1'opera La Falena che e destinata ad aumentare il repertorio delle opere
durature. [The Count Franchi Verney della Valetta, in L'Indipendente, 5 October 1897]
[The performance met with the full approval of the audience, which will continue certainly in a
great number to enjoy the opera La Falena, a work destined to enrich the repertory of long-
lasting operas.]
IV. I Introduction
When La Falena had its premiere in the Teatro Rossini in Venice, in 1897, the event was
remembered as a real "artistic happening".' Its plot and its musico-dramatic style had little in
common with the other new Italian operas at the time; one other premiere during the same
season at the Teatro Rossini was Puccini's La Boheme, for example." Furthermore, Falena had
very little in common even with Smareglia's earlier operas: his Nozze istriane (Trieste 1895),
written two years previously, evoked the realistic setting of the small Istrian village of
Dignano, and with its subject matter, versified by Illica, belonged to the then fashionable
verismo opera. For all the singularities of the opera, Falena's premiere was a real success. We
can trace from the numerous critical reviews of the time the most laudatory opinions about
Smareglia: his music was seen as "elevating", "creative with musical ideas", "highly original",
"richly interwoven" in a continuous texture, and containing the most delicate "nuances"
(sfumature) in its expressivity. He was also recognised as a true Wagnerian, to quote
Colombani, "one of the best".
1
Such comment was made Alberto Boccardi, in La Perseveranza: the article is quoted in Mario Smareglia, Antonio
Smareglia, p. 181.
2
For the repertory of the new Italian operas written at the time see Time line 2 and 3, Appendix C.
77
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
The fact which raised additional curiosity among the press was that Smareglia appeared with a
new and 'inexperienced' librettist. Silvio Benco was at the time a young twenty-three-year-old
writer who was establishing his career as a journalist in Trieste. His involvement in providing a
libretto for Smareglia provoked fervent and diverse criticism. Several reviewers, such as
Colombani, found Benco's creation to be "childish", containing the kind of plot which had "no
philosophical or poetic significance". A similar view was stated by Zorzi who wrote that
Smareglia's libretto was a "bad choice", and its element of the fantastic was "childish". Zorzi
complained that Benco made "no concession to the preference of the audience".3 But, besides
these two examples of critics who were simply not familiar with Benco's name, there were
other commentators with broader views who understood his intentions. They recognised the
"distinguished poetic form" of the text: "although it perhaps lacked characterisation ... [the
libretto] lent itself stupendously to the lively imagination of the composer".4
The most perceptive remark, which grasped the core of Benco's text, was written by Alberto
Boccardi. His review revealed that he was well acquainted with Benco's other writings. By
mentioning his novels, in whose style he noted some "conquering oddity" (conquidente
stranezza), Boccardi brought the elements of Benco's own literary style directly into
comparison with Falena, suggesting that the libretto belongs to the same "unusual" style. He
emphasised, for example, that Falena embodied the kind of "bizarre and suggestive" features
which were close to the literary world of Maeterlinck.5 To use Mila's words, it was Benco's
"precious literary decadentismo" which permeated the text, and which will be a starting point
for discussing this opera.
The main reason why the study of Falena leads us, for a moment, to investigate the period of
Decadence is because, as Boccardi detected, its plot contains elements with clearly symbolist
connotations. In addition, there were many allusions to Symbolism and the atmosphere of
Decadence made by Benco himself when he was writing about Falena two years after the
opera's premiere. The heavy criticism which he received from the reviewers for Falena
prompted him to write a defensive article, "Le origini della Falena" (1897), in which he
unveiled his concept of the musical theatre. His belief in the theatre with a "musical soul", the
vision of Falena, her representing a "picturesque symbol of the night", and the repercussions
which such an image had on music, for example, are the aspects which will be discussed in the
3
The critic Zorzi, in L'ltalia del Popolo [n. d.], quoted in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 191-193.
4
The following two quotations can be found the same article in L'Indipendente on 5 October 1897: "Una forma
poetica che non manca di distinzione" (written in L'ltalie) and "La leggenda a cui manca forse il colorito nei
personaggi ... si presta stupendamente alia fervida immaginazione dello Smareglia" (written in Don Chisciotte).
",..[U]n richiamo alle concezioni cosi bizzarre e suggestive di Maurizio Maeterlinck...", by Alberto Boccardi, in
La Perseveranza, also quoted in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 182.
78
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
following sections. As will be seen, the undramatic plot, its dream-like world, its enigmatic
characters and its legendary setting confirm Benco's absorption in the atmosphere of fin-de
siecle.
The particular attention dedicated in this Chapter to the nature of Decadence and to artistic
sensibility at the turn of the century is appropriate because, besides Falena, the following two
libretti which Benco would write for Smareglia were also impregnated with the literary and
artistic spirit of their time. Both Oceana and Abisso, in their own ways, confirm that the
collaboration with Benco marked a fundamental change in the composer's dramaturgy; they
offered quite a different dimension to Smareglia, in both a musical and dramaturgical sense.
The emphasis on the poetic element inherent in these libretti directed the composer to interpret
the drama by focusing on music to such an extent that some thought there was "too much of
it".6 As will be discussed, the basis of Smareglia's music drama resided in the orchestra rather
than on stage. For all his effort to successfully dramatize Benco's libretti, as will be seen with
Falena in particular, we can note that in interpreting the plot the composer was most efficient
when evoking the picturesque or atmospheric elements rather than elaborating the dramatic
development of the story. Often this implied a concentration on the inner drama of the
protagonist's soul, or, as in Falena, an evocation of the hallucinatory moods of the principal
characters.
Before we begin discussing the first of the three operas, it is useful to quote the words of Gian
Andrea Gavazzeni, the Italian conductor who knew Smareglia's music intimately and
conducted it on several occasions. His formulation seems to epitomise the nature of Smareglia
and Benco's collaboration:
Incontro tipico, compromesso in un cultura e gusto coevi. Ancora wagnerismo, simbolismo tedesco-
francese, ambizione per un teatro di poesia, mischiato di velleitarismi e di suggestivita. Ambizione
in accordo con la negazione piii volte manifestata per la Iibrettistica romantica e naturalista.1
[A typical encounter, involving contemporary culture and taste. Still Wagnerism, German and
French Symbolism, ambition for a poetic theatre, mixed with velleity and suggestiveness. An
ambition in accordance with the several-times manifested repudiation of libretti of the Romantic or
realistic kind.]
Such was the opinion of Toscanini on Oceana (see Chapter V), or with respect to Abisso, ofmost of the critics (see
Chapter VI).
Gavazzeni's comment is included in his introduction to the edition of Benco's Scritti musicali. See Benco, Scritti
musicali, p. x. Gavazzeni conducted Falena in Trieste in 1975.
79
Illustration 3: The beguiling ofMerlin (1874) by Sir Edward Burne Jones
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
IV. 2 Synopsis
Characters:
King Stellio
Old Uberto
Albina - his daughter
Falena - the night ghost
Morio - the sailor
The thief
Fishermen, hunters, women, children, Albina's maids.
The action takes place on a European coast by the Atlantic ocean, in early Christian times.
Act I: A clearing in the forest
It is a late afternoon in May. Albina, accompanied by a group of young girls, comes back from
the forest. They are in the vast clearing surrounded by large oak trees, beyond which the ocean
can be partially seen in the distance. With the exception of Albina, all the girls gather new
spring flowers. Albina is melancholy, and misses her secret love, King Stellio, who has gone
hunting. Nothing seems to comfort her: neither the jasmine flower given to her by a young girl,
nor the sailor's song that is coming from the sea. Her father, Uberto, longs to see her smiling,
and tries to comfort her by telling her that the King is on his way back from hunting. He then
tells all the girls how hunting captivates the spirits of young men. It keeps them occupied
throughout the day until the night makes them realise it is time to go home. While the
forthcoming return of the hunters cheers up all the other women, Albina is still upset. After
Uberto encourages her to tell him the source of her distress, she reveals that she has been
having horrifying dreams. In these nightmares she sees the apparition of a strange woman.
Suddenly they are interrupted by the arrival of a group of peasants. They have caught a thief in
the forest and want him to be judged by the King. Everyone is cruel toward the thief, hitting
him and cursing him. Yet his confession that he is poor and only wants to get some food for his
hungry children touches Albina's heart. The sound of hunters is heard in the distance. Upon his
return, Stellio addresses his people, while the thief approaches Albina. Recognising in Albina
all her purity and generosity, he begs her to save him. Albina is moved by the misfortune of
this man and persuades Stellio to release him.
It is evening time. Following the incident with the thief, everyone retires to go home. Stellio
holds Albina back and declares his love for her. They remain in the clearing in the forest for
81
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
some time expressing their emotions until darkness approaches. Albina seems restless but is
comforted by Stellio's love. Suddenly, a mysterious creature appears, tearing Stellio away from
Albina. Terrified, she recognises the creature as the frightening woman from her dreams. The
"unknown" creature hypnotises Stellio into sleep, and before disappearing declares that he will
be hers during that night. Albina is frightened. When Uberto and his friends return, they are
perplexed by the sight of the sleeping Stellio and the agitated Albina beside him. They gently
move their sleeping King, taking him to his palace, and praying for God to protect him. Albina
leaves with her father.
Act II: Falena's cave
It is night. Falena is in her hovel, a rocky cavern with huge stones scattered on the floor. In a
corner a pile of wood is burning, faintly illuminating the place. While waiting for Stellio to
arrive, Falena has a vision of his escape during the night. The place is dark, illuminated with a
ray of moonlight and with the trembling of a dying oil lamp. When Stellio arrives he cannot see
anything. He is shivering and suddenly becomes aware of Falena's presence. Insisting that no
further lamps are lit, he is upset and is not ready to trust her. Furthermore, he seems to hear
Albina's voice from far away. Soon Falena begins to seduce him and offers him a cup of wine
which affects him immediately. He asks for her name and Falena replies that she wishes to be
called Redana. Overcome by the wine and by her presence, Stellio at once finds Falena
attractive and irresistible. Enjoying this erotic game and her power over him, she persuades
Stellio to kill Uberto, who has arrived at the cavern in order to save the King. Under the
influence of Falena's magic powers and the wine, Stellio kills Uberto, but is immediately
horrified by his deed and by the blood on his hands. Falena entices him to drink more wine.
However, the appearance of the blood on his hands is too distressing. The blood will not wash
off. Stellio is distracted again by the voice heard from the distance; it is Albina's weeping.
Falena tries to drag him away, telling him that they need to follow where their dreams are. Still,
Stellio's obsession with Albina's voice makes him increasingly desperate.
Act III: On the seashore, just before dawn
The first signs of dawn break over the horizon. The fishermen are back from the sea. While
their boats rock gently at anchor, the oldest sailor, Morio, tells them stories of the sea. When he
was young, they used to sail the sea until reaching remote islands and meeting strange people
82
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
on them. He knows that many mysterious events can happen on the sea or in the forests which
are close to the beach. Before going to sleep he wishes them a safe journey.
Young sailors comment on Morio's legendary stories. Suddenly, the sound of hunters' horns
are heard from the forest; they wonder whether it is their King. Instead, it is other hunters
calling them into the woods urgently, as the King and old Uberto are missing. In the meantime,
Stellio and Falena begin to argue. While the agitated Stellio constantly hears voices calling
him, Falena, as the daylight slowly returns, starts to lose her power. Recognising Morio's boat
in the distance, Stellio calls for him. He wants to sail away with his Redana; however, the King
is terrified to realise that she is vanishing. As she bids him farewell, Falena disappears in front
of his eyes. Desperate, he asks Morio who is this mystery, this shadow?
Morio reveals to him that Falena is a night ghost that wanders through the dark, seducing men
and then fading away when the dawn breaks. Anyone who has a relationship with this figure
retains the sin upon his soul. As he learns about the strange creature, Stellio seems to hear
Albina's voice again. As people start to arrive, he confesses, begging for Albina. He is
desperate to die. Everyone thinks their King is mad. Albina arrives and notices blood on his
hands. Stellio admits that he killed Uberto and asks to be punished for it. While Morio explains
about the dangerous creature from the forest who bewitched the King during the night and
brought on this tragedy, Stellio cries out. Albina decides to save him through her forgiveness.
She kisses him and dies. Stellio, in terror, throws himself over her body.
'•< • v.
v vj
, \ i ;. , . f
I ■<
. . • 1 v
i i *. >.>>-■
Vv '
. '• )
' "v\. ■
:-v «*' . .-.'"A"'.:...-
Illustration 4: La Falena, act I, the scene with a thief. Stage design is kept in the archives of the
Civico Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmidt", Trieste.
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
IV. 3 Decadence and La Falena
i. The nature ofDecadence
The literary and artistic period towards the end of the 19th and in the early 20th century had its
most particular tendency summed up in France by Paul Verlaine. In his famous sonnet
Langueur, published in Le Chat noir in 1883, he wrote "Je suis l'Empire a la fin de la
decadence", thus drawing attention to the whole era that became known as Decadence. The
phenomenon of Decadence, however, did not appear suddenly, nor have its boundaries been
defined clearly by historians. Since it is still studied intensely by literary scholars, the present
discussion cannot presume to give an entire and definite overview of the movement. The
purpose is to assemble those themes and characteristic outlines of Decadence which seem to
form the background for Benco's libretto of Falena. As will be seen, my understanding of the
Decadent movement is derived mainly from the studies by Praz, Pierrot, Carter, Schmidgall,
Gioanola and Del Principe.
In outlining the historical sources and limits of Decadence, there is, as A. E. Carter phrased it, a
"thorny little problem": for example, the difficulty of making a simple distinction between
Decadence and Symbolism, the two tendencies which, during the decadent era, were often
equated by contemporaries, although "both groups hated each other".8 In some interpretations it
is claimed that the decadent period was "transitional"; during a period of seven or eight years it
preceded and prepared the emergence of Symbolism.9 An alternative view, held for example by
Praz, is that of 'Romantic Decadence', which sees the movement as the last phase of
Romanticism, or, in the case of Carter, the conviction that there were different phases in the
evolution of the decadent sensibility: the late Romantic phase (from 1830 to the beginning of
Naturalism), the Naturalist phase (to 1884) and the fin de siecle phase (to the early 20th
century).'0 Although the definition of what Decadence or decadent sensibility was and how long
it lasted for still remains debatable, there is one particular aspect which all interpretations have
in common. The explanation, captured in the following words by Michaud, underscores the
development and the architects of this tendency:
8
From A. E. Carter 1958, The Idea ofDecadence in French Literature: 1830 - 1900, Toronto: Toronto University
Press, p. 138.
9
The view was sustained particularly by Guy Michaud, see Jean Pierrot 1981, The Decadent Imagination: 1880-
1900, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, p. 5 and footnote 4-6 on p. 267.
10
See Carter, The Idea ofDecadence, pp. 26-27.
84
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
Stemming in all probability from Baudelaire and from Gautier's preface; revived by Verlaine;
embodied by Montesquiou; formulated by Huysmans; the decadent attitude, a necessary prelude to
the revolution ... became more than a fashion: a collective phenomenon. [Michaud, in Pierrot, The
Decadent Imagination, p. 267]
Thriving in French literature in the 19th and early 20th century, the idea of decadence became a
"serious preoccupation" in the second half of the 19th century (Carter 1958: viii). During that
time the group of intellectual bohemians around Paul Verlaine founded a series of periodicals,
such as the Revue Independente, Revue Wagnerienne and the weekly Le Decadent, thus loudly
emphasising the presence of a cultural phenomenon. Le Decadent, which appeared from 1886
until 1889, was in fact inspired by Verlaine's sonnet, revealing how "the idea held such a
fascination for writers of the period": for Mallarme, Rimbaud, Villiers de 1'Isle-Adam, Moreas,
and Huysmans for example (Carter 1958: 113). Among those who began experimenting with
the new literary taste and "who were to prove the masters of the decadents" for the rising
generation of writers in France, Britain and Italy were Gautier, Baudelaire, Flaubert and Poe
(Pierrot 1981: 17). Their work was constantly read and consulted, making a direct impact on
the decadent sensibility and its aesthetic. An example can be seen in an article written by Paul
Bourget, one of the leading critics of the time. In his essay on Baudelaire, dating from 1881,
Bourget entitled one of its sections "The theory of Decadence", formulating what Pierrot
regarded as "the first true manifesto of the decadent esthetic" (Pierrot 1981: 16).12
To explain and analyse in a detailed way the 'cult of decadence' with all the literary trends it
involved would require a whole study in itself, and would go beyond the aims and scope of this
research. Our primary concerns are the various themes, atmospheres and preoccupations which
permeated the literature and arts of the time, and which provide us with a key to the thoughts of
Benco and to the obscure world he created in his libretto La Falena (1896). It is significant that
the period in question saw the emergence of a number of new trends, which coexisted "in a
state of relative symbiosis" (Pierrot). Besides Naturalism and Symbolism, Pierrot identifies
other tendencies in literature and the arts, such as "the importance of music, the use of free
verse, a constant concern with technical detail, philosophical idealism, a predilection for the
world of dreams and legends, and, lastly, an abundance of works with double meanings ..."
The term "Gautier's preface" refers to Gautier's writings on Baudelaire which are often brought up in discussion
of French Decadence, for example in Schmidgall, Literature as Opera, pp. 254-255. Pierrot uses the quotation from
Guy Michaud 1961, Message poetique du symbolisme, Paris: Nizet.
12
The author draws this quotation from Bourget's Essais de psychologie contemporaine, which Bourget had written
and published in Paris in 1881.
85
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
(Pierrot 1981: 6)." In addition, there existed a series of "imaginative currents and tendencies",
such as the "use of mythical and legendary themes, dream narratives, [and] texts devoted to the
effects of drugs on the imagination", which became most fashionable among artists.'4 Summed
up in the expression "decadent imagination", it is these imaginary tendencies in particular
which, as will be discussed shortly, can be recognised in Benco's creation of Falena.
An exemplary model of such a text dealing with strange and unusual aspects of the Decadent
era was provided in Huysmans' novel A rebours. Begun in 1881 and published in 1884, the
book contained "...every aspect of the decadent idea hunted down and analysed, [and] became
like Bibles for the younger generation of writers" (Carter 1958: 134). The protagonist of the
novel, Des Esseintes, in many ways represented the "decadent hero": bored and disillusioned
with the world around him, he rejected nature while admiring all that was new, artificial,
contorted and monstrous. For example, he devoted himself to reading Mallarme's Herodiade,
and was fascinated by its visual representations, Salome and L'Apparition, the two celebrated
paintings of Gustave Moreau, whose art reflected the themes "of Fatality, of Evil and Death
incarnate in female beauty" (Praz 1951: 295).15 As a result of his escape from reality, Des
Esseintes discovered his inner self. The sensations caused by this discovery, which were shared
by the decadents, can be best captured in the following quotation:
These emotions once felt, the decadent analyses them. He cultivates them in the recollection of his
reverie, he brings them into focus, molds his thought to them in order to capture their most delicate
convulsions ... He wishes to know himself, he observes himself, he analyzes and notes everything,
down to the most evasive of half-felt emotions, the most tenuous quiver of psychic states scarcely
yet formed, barely detectable; and by means of this deep, meticulous, remorselessly pursued
investigation, he is constantly pushing back the frontiers of the unconscious. 6
Des Esseintes' personality, his state of mind, as well as his attitude to life, in many ways
project the image of the artist himself at the end of the 19th century. His attempt to retire from
For example, the decline of the Naturalist movement, which was at its peak in 1880, can be noticed among their
own members, including Maupassant and Huysmans, who began to write A rebours in 1881. Cf. Pierrot, The
Decadent Imagination.
14
Ibid.
is
Gustave Moreau (Paris 1826 - 1889), French painter whose style attracted much attention because his
interpretations of mythology, legend or historical themes often included strong sexual overtones. His paintings were
often seen as enigmatic, imaginative, and with mysterious settings full of symbolism, earning him the description of
a painter of a 'literary idea' rather than of a visual image. Praz thought that Moreau composed his pictures in the
style of "symphonic poems", following the example of Wagner's music (see Mario Praz 1951, The Romantic Agony,
2nd ed., trans, by A. Davidson, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 290). The author pointed out that these two
paintings were first exhibited in the Paris Salon of 1876, marking the success ofMoreau. See ibid. p. 295.
16
From Pierrot, The Decadent Imagination, p. 123. The text, written by an anonymous author, was published in Le
Decadent, 15 October 1888, and was quoted in Michaud, Message poetique, p. 348 note 20.
86
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
the corruption of the modern world resulted in him protesting in various ways: the artist ended
up transforming reality, cultivating anti-naturalism, advertising love for anything that was
artificial, and encouraging sexual perversions. Often this would occur while he retreated into
his inner world. In other words, their imaginations as well as the kind of themes decadent
writers chose were becoming more subjective and intimate. It was these "secret activities in the
depths of the psyche" (Pierrot 1981: 122), often remote from the categories of time and space,
which then the artist explored and analysed, in particular the mysterious appearances of
dreams. That was one of the reasons why dream became fundamental, gaining a privileged
attention, while the improbable, distant and vague world of legend "echoed the deepest desires
of the fin-de-siecle soul" (Pierrot 1981: 193).
Even though discussions of Decadence usually begin with and evolve around French literature,
in which, through a series of literary influences, the imagination and the decadent sensibility
developed, its main representative was not French. According to Mario Praz, "the most
monumental figure ... in whom the various European currents of the second half of the 19th
century converged was given to the world not by France but by Italy" (Praz 1951: 385). The
man whose appearance left its mark on the art, the poetry and the spiritual atmosphere of the
time in both Italy and France was Gabriele D'Annunzio. Although decadent imagination was
not the main stream within Italian literature, the impact of D'Annunzio's personality and his
work was so strong that it led most of the interpretations of decadence in Italy (expressed by
both Italian and other authors) to view this period as one of the "estetismo d'annunziano".17 In
fact, in the view of some historians, there was a "lack of alternatives" for describing the end of
the century, considering the influence D'Annunzio had on literature at the time.'8
D'Annunzio's work was, however, preceded by two other main tendencies which existed in
Italy at the time: verismo, which is related to French naturalism in literature, and the more
curious phenomenon of scapigliatura, which we shall provide a brief account of." The
scapigliati were the members of a new literary and cultural movement in literature in Italy
which had its origins back in the 1860s, mostly in Milan and Turin. The movement gathered
together the young artists and intellectuals who were first to react in opposition to the
sentiments of Italian Romanticism. Their rebellious spirit and their manifesto was described in
the novel La Scapigliatura e il 6 febbraio (1862), by Carlo Righetti (under the pseudonym
See for example Elio Gioanola 1991, II decadentismo, Roma: Edizioni studium, and Tedeschi, D'Annunzio e la
musica. Although in Italy the term decadentismo is used to describe the literary and artistic period, for the sake of
clarity this thesis uses the standard English term Decadence. See UTET, vol. IV, p. 65.
See Gioanola, 11 decadentismo.
19
For an in-depth study of the Scapigliatura movement see David Del Principe 1996, Rebellion, Death and
Aesthetics in Italy: the Demons ofScapigliatura, Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Press.
87
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
Cletto Arrighi)."0 The most important focus of scapigliati was their yearning for the renewal of
art in Italy, one that was shared by much of Europe in the second half of the nineteenth century.
These rebellious young men, among whom were poets (Emilio Praga, Ugo Tarchetti), painters
(Daniele Ranzoni, Tranquillo Cremona), composers (such as Faccio, Boito, Catalani,
Smareglia), were to expand their literary horizons mostly by absorbing literature from France
(Baudelaire, Gautier, Hugo), and their musical ones by following the ideas of Wagner and his
Gesamtkunstwerk. The most prominent artist among those intellectuals was the poet, composer
and critic, Arrigo Boito (1842-1918); Mefistofele (1868, rev. 1875), composed to his own
libretto, is considered to be the most important of scapigliato operas (Benco 1977).
Scapigliatura comes to our attention primarily because, as more recent studies have
highlighted, its members greatly contributed to promoting the elements of literary style which
21 .
led Italian literature directly into fin-de-siecle currents." In his discussion of the "demons of
Scapigliatura", David Del Principe explains their manner and gives examples which confirm
that their writings influenced decadent literature. The new perspectives which they gained by
admiring foreign writings (Shelley and Radcliffe besides those already mentioned) allowed
them new liberties for their own writings, which revealed modern themes, especially with
respect to sexual awareness and its different manifestations. To cite Del Principe,
I sight Scapigliatura in several instances, not as a footnote to Romantic sensitivities, but as a new
territory in which the thematics of dementia, psychosexuality, the Gothic, antibourgeois-
conformism, decadence, and the avant-garde, submerged in the opus of Tarchetti and Arrighi, can be
excavated. [Del Principe, Rebellion, p. 13]
It was Ugo Tarchetti in particular who made the most significant contribution towards the
renewal of Italian literature at the time (Del Principe 1996: 23). His novel Fosca (1869) and his
Racconti fantastici (1869) both invoke the nervous and errant sexual energy characteristic of
the Gothic novel, and deal with androgynous eroticism (in Fosca, for example). Furthermore,
Tarchetti's stories, such as Uno spirito in un lampone, as well as Boito's Un corpo, can be
regarded as works which "extend a theoretical arm from Scapigliatura to the neighboring
discourse of the fin de siecle and beyond", leading in the direction of D'Annunzio and Wilde
20
As Del Principe establishes in his study, besides Cletto Arrighi, the "most versatile and principal literary
exponent" of Scapigliati was Ugo Tarchetti. See Del Principe, Rebellion, p. 23.
21
In his study Sansone pointed out that literary verismo originated when Verga came to Milan during the 1870s and
met with scapigliati, finding the most stimulating environment to try out his new style. See Sansone, "Verismo from
literature to opera", p. 6.
88
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
(ibid.: 112). As Del Principe summarised it, "decadent elements in Scapigliatura are less
evidence of Romantic decay than of the creative vitality of modernism".22
To return to Decadence. If the introduction of certain 'decadent' themes into Italian culture
came with scapigliatura, the fashion for it was propagated by D'Annunzio. In the view of
Mario Praz, there was something 'elemental' in D'Annunzio's nature, the kind of
characteristics which revealed the poet's "rough spirit" (spirito crudo), and which he inherited
from his home province of Abruzzi, where "the general level of life is instinctive and
primitive" (Praz 1951: 385). Even the poet himself described Abruzzi as "Italia barbara ...
remota e inculta" (ibid.). In addition, D'Annunzio's contacts with French Decadence and his
awareness and openness to novelty in the literature and arts, about which he wrote numerous
articles, made him absorb various aesthetics and tastes which he then developed into a style of
his own.23 The official inauguration of Italian decadence was marked in 1889 when
D'Annunzio, only five years after Huysmans' A rebours, wrote his novel II piacere. The main
character, Andrea Sperelli, was represented in the novel as a poet, a painter and an amateur
musician who was trying "to live life by imitating art" (bisogna fare la propria vita, come si fa
un'opera d'arte) (Mutterle 1980: 19). The aesthetic which lies behind this expression,
advocating the so called dolce vita life style (Adams 1968: 260), in many ways celebrated the
vogue for decadent attitudes, in a similar way to what Wilde's Dorian Gray would do in the
following year.24 For these reasons, both characters, D'Annunzio's Sperelli and Huysmans' Des
Esseintes were, in fact, to become the heralds of the Decadent era.
One of the curious elements in the novel is the protagonist's longing to "find a form of a
Modern Poem"."5 The reason why this is significant is because it reflects D'Annunzio's own
preoccupation, to use his own words, his "most lasting ambition". In dedicating his next novel,
II trionfo della morte (1894), to one of his closest friends, the painter Francesco Paolo Michetti,
For a discussion of the elements of Scapigliatura's sensibility which directly link with the aesthetics of
Decadence, see Chapter IV in Del Principe's study, entitled "From Scapigliatura to Decadentismo: looking
forward", pp. 110-132.
23
A selection of D'Annunzio's critical writings on music can be found in the last section (appendix) of Tedeschi's
volume D'Annunzio e la musica, pp. 139 - 220.
24
The expression "la dolce vita" or "sweet life", according to Brewer's Dictionary of Phrase and Fable (1999,
revised by Adrian Room, London: Cassell Pub., p. 355) was a phrase which became familiar following Fellini's film
of the same name (1960). It appears that in his article Adams uses this expression with the same meaning, indicating
the "life of luxury and self indulgence" which was promoted during the decadent era. Cf. Robert Adams 1968, "The
Operatic Novel: Joyce and D'Annunzio", in New Looks at Italian Opera: Essays in Honour ofDonald J. Grout, Ed.
b^ William W. Austin, New York: Cornell University Press, pp. 260-281.
The words from II piacere are quoted by Mutterle; the rest of the quotation is as follows: "una lirica veramente
moderna nel contenuto ma vestita di tutte le antiche eleganze, profonda e limpida, appassionata e pura, forte e
composta", see Anco Marzio Mutterle 1980, Gabriele D'Annunzio: Introduzione e guida alio studio dell'opera
dannunziana, Florence: Le Monnier, p. 20.
89
Chapter IV — La Falena - "activity in dream"
the writer attached an elaborate "programme" to it in which, while introducing his novel, he
explained his "ideal book ofmodern prose" which:
... [W]hile rich in its tones and rhythms like a poem - combining in its style the most diverse
energies of the written word - might bring into harmony all the multiplicities of knowledge and all
the multiplicities of enigma; which might mingle the precisions of science with the seductions of the
dream; which might seem not to imitate, but to continue Nature; and, free from the shackles of the
story, might carry within itself, created with all the means available to literary art, the particular
vitality - sensual, sentimental and intellectual - of a human existence located at the very center of
the universal cosmic life. [Adams, 'The Operatic Novel", p. 263]
Among the rest of the text in this "programme", along with the elaborate description of the
structure of his novel, D'Annunzio pointed out his particular efforts to "render inner life in its
richness and diversity" and "above all, the resolve to make a work of beauty and poetry, a
plastic and symphonic prose, rich in imagery and music" (Adams 1968; 264). Yet, as for the
actual theme of 11 trionfo della morte, it was a "slow, almost eventless disintegration of a
personality" (ibid.: 26). The peculiarities such as the hidden, "inner life" of the drama, the
importance of "rich imagery" and most of all of music, have fascinated those who read, studied
or simply knew D'Annunzio. In the case of 11 trionfo della morte, it is interesting to note the
impact it had on James Joyce.26 Even more important for our study, is the appeal D'Annunzio's
work must have had on Silvio Benco; several aspects of it will be discussed in the following
section.
ii. La Falena and the atmosphere ofDecadence
The feminine ideal suggested in the writings of the Decadent era is reflected in Benco's image
of an obsessive, dangerous 'lady of the night', the sorciere he created with Falena. In the
literature of the time, artists often viewed woman in a way which emphasised the "destructive
nature of passion, [and] the dangerous aspects of a love that delivers men over, bound hand and
foot, to a creature who is not only futile, but fundamentally immoral, cruel, and perverse"
(Pierrot 1981: 126). The mistrust of the female sex, which was so prevalent at the time,
tormenting artists' consciousness, caused an endless recurrence of themes which dealt with
sexuality. Benco's novels or his libretti were no exception. The sensual theme was often
presented in the form of a more cruel, aggressive or hysterical kind. As Pierrot emphasised, the
role of woman in such stories was constantly propounded in two images: woman as femme
26
See Adams, "The Operatic Novel".
90
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
fatale or woman as victim (Pierrot 1988: 138-9). An exceptional sensitivity to eroticism was
another feature which was fundamental to the decadents. In the view of Mario Praz, this was
the "most characteristic aspect" of the whole Romantic movement, as well as of Decadence. As
a confirmation, his Romantic Agony traced a whole series of "states of mind" and "peculiarities
of behaviour", as well as numerous "fatal women" present in literature or in the figurative arts.
The various types included in his study are, for example, the courtesan, femme diable, la belle
dame sans merci or the "superwoman".
To an extent, the perception of Praz could be extended further: looking into the literature at the
end of the century, the femme fatale appears to be one of its most important and most
frequently encountered characters. In comparison to the French writers, for example, the
popularity of eroticism or perverted sexuality has been less present or less developed in Italian
literature. Experimental steps, as was discussed earlier, can be detected in the works of some of
the scapigliati, as in Tarchetti's Fosca. It was primarily D'Annunzio whose work consistently
kept introducing such subjects." His poetry and fictional writing was replete with the most
morbid and voluptuous scenes, including themes such as "blood rituals, madness, incest, tragic
heroism, violent passion" (Dombroski 1996: 475). A survey of them is given in the study of
Mario Praz. A similar contribution to such decadent themes can be found in the writings of
Benco.
The creature Benco invented in his libretto of Falena, the violent and licentious woman who
wanders around during the night time, often into the depths of our dreams, is one who has
always existed in literature and arts, in particular in myths and legends. The representations of
such figures had numerous forms, from the monstrous, mythological "Medusan" type, which
fascinated Shelley, for example, to the legendary "Lilith". Described as a "beautiful and
licentious unmarried harlot, who seduces men in streets and fields", Lilith was also known as a
"princess of the succubi", the female demon who desires men while they are asleep.28
Something of Falena's phantasmal look corresponds to these prototypes. Furthermore, it can be
recognised in the following passage, in a short dialogue between Faust and Mephistopheles, in
which the devil warns Faust about the appearance of a woman he sees in front of him:
"Let it be — pass on -
No good can come of it - it is not well
It was Praz who traced (in the second edition of his book) the examples of the femme fatale in the writings of the
scapigliati: he remarked on Boito's Asteria (in Nerone), or the type of woman who appears in Camerana's verses: "it
is the woman with dark hair and eyes, pale, mysterious, perhaps criminal...", see Praz 1951, The Romantic Agony, p.
460.
28
Discussion of these feminine symbols can be found in particular in chapters I and IV of Praz's study. For the
description of the myth of Lilith, see Praz 1933, The Romantic Agony, p. 272, footnote 1.
91
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
To meet it — it is an enchanted phantom,
A lifeless idol; with its numbing look
Itfreezes up the blood ofman and they
Who meet its ghastly stare are turned to stone,
29
Like those who saw Medusa
As for Falena, it must be pointed out that the title itself is not merely a name. The word Falena,
like the character herself, has several meanings which need to be explored. For example, the
etymological and demonological meaning, the elements of symbolism which it suggests, and
the aspect of the femme fatale which it absorbed from and shared with the decadents. Even in
her appearance Falena reflects the climate of the time: her beauty is hidden and mysterious, she
radiates a sense of foreboding and possesses 'satanic' features. This kind of image was often
visible, for example, in the followers of Pre-Raphaelite art, known to have greatly influenced
French decadent literature.30 Some resemblance can be seen to the artwork of Sir Edward
Burne-Jones (his painting The beguiling ofMerlin, 1874) [see Illustration n. 3], or the drawing
by John William Waterhouse (La Belle dame sans merci, 1893) [Illustration n. 5]. The Pre-
Raphaelite images of women comprise a series of "Nubile maidens", "Fallen Magdalenas",
"Sorceresses" and "Pale bodies of death", for example.3' Nevertheless, the most suitable or the
closest physical image of Falena can be perceived in the artwork of Gustave Moreau, one of the
main representatives of decadent figurative art, who was particularly inspired and influenced by
Gustave Flaubert's femme fatale. Two of his most famous paintings, Salome and L'Apparition,
seem to reflect the kind of atmosphere which envelops Benco's Falena n It is worth noting that
the name of Gustave Moreau was chosen by Massimo Mila, for example, in discussing the
setting and the atmosphere of act II of the opera.33
29
The quotation which Praz uses is Shelley's translation of Goethe's Faust, see Praz 1933, The Romantic Agony, p.
26.
30
Pre-Raphaelites are often said to have influenced decadent sensibility, as well as the Aesthetic school in Britain
(Oscar Wilde in particular). Pierrot in his study mentions, for example, Burne-Jones as well as the Swiss painter,
Arnold Bocklin, the two artists who have influenced Maeterlinck and Benco, respectively (cf. Chapter V). The
several instances in which Pierrot discusses visual art in relation to the period of decadence can be found in Pierrot,
The Decadent Imagination, pp. 16-22, 41, 143, 198-203.
31
The main sources on Pre-Raphaelite art were the books by Jan Marsh 1998, Pre-Raphaelite Women: Images of
Femininity in Pre-Raphaelite Art, 2nd ed., London: Phoenix & Illustrated, and Christopher Wood 1997, The Pre-
Raphaelites, 4th ed., London: Phoenix & Illustrated. The examples of figurative art used for this study have been
taken from these two sources.
32
For the reproduction of Salome, see Derrick Puffett 1989, Richard Strauss: Salome, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, p. 13.
33
The comment is made in the Programme book of the Teatro comunale "Giuseppe Verdi" in Trieste, in the season
1974/75 which staged La Falena.
92
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
Illustration 5: La Belle dame sans merci (1893), John William Waterhouse
Benco's Falena fused all of these features, a compendium of which can be deduced from the
writer's own explanation of the story given in his article, "Le origini della Falena".34 In this
essay, written some three years after the original libretto, we learn that Falena was for Benco a
"vision which came to his mind" (una visione che mi passava in mente), a vision which, in the
drama, was to become a "pictorial symbol of the Night" and of its nightmares:
Era una visione che mi passava in mente, musicalissima per una musica irrequieta e bizzarra: visione
che, entrando nel drama, vi divenne come un simbolo pittorico della Notte, e della sua azione
"Le origini della Falena", published in L 'Indipendente, 24 February 1899. A reprint of this article can be found in
various other sources, such as in Benco, Scritti di critica, pp. 56-61, and in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp.
176-181.
93
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
perturbatrice - mediante il senso dell'ignoto e l'angoscia - sule [sic] semplici ed esaltante creature
umane. [Benco, "Le origini della Falenar", in L 'Indipendente, 24 February 1899]
[It was a vision which came to my mind, the most musical for a restless and bizarre kind ofmusic: a
vision which, once entering the drama, became like a pictorial symbol of the Night, and of the
disturbances it created - through the sense of the unknown and the anxiety it causes - in simple and
sensitive human beings.]
In addition, Benco revealed that he imagined the drama to be an "activity in dream":
azione in sogno e stato cio che mi si mosse dentro e che io cercai di tradurre....
[activity in dream was what I felt and what I tried to interpret.]
In associating the appearances and the existence of Falena with the night, and by placing the
actual drama in the realm of dream (through Stellio's subconscious, while he is asleep),
Benco's story comes close to the Symbolists. As was mentioned earlier, Benco's fascination
with the subconscious world, with its unknown forces, as well as with dreams, was an interest
he shared with many artists at the end of the century. The choice of a legendary milieu for the
story allowed him to keep the overall mood vague and mysterious and to set a slow but intense
pace of action. It was a kind of drama which was subtle and suggestive, and evolved more in
the characters' minds than in reality. In other words, it permitted Benco to conceive the inner
drama he wished for, and to have an "open" ending in which the fate of the protagonists is
mysterious and inconclusive. Among the other symbolic elements in the story, we can point to
the setting, placed in a misty forest, an obscure place with dark powers. Another strong
impression is given in the scene with the stains of blood: once King Stellio committed the
murder, they cannot be washed from his hands.
Another curious aspect of Falena which relates to its symbolism is the question of her identity.
Who is Falena? In his imagination, Benco saw her as a "night spirit", a ghost which disturbs
people in their dreams and then, by a metamorphosis, vanishes with the dawn. Research into
whether such a creature ever existed revealed that, in fact, Benco's character had much in
common with what the etymological definition of it implied." By standard terminology,
"falena" or also "favilla", is usually translated as a "moth". In the 19th century it used to denote
numerous species of night butterflies attracted by the light, and as such was often used in the
poetry of Arrigo Boito and Giovanni Pascoli. It frequently had a symbolical significance,
representing a courtesan or a harlot who seduces at night. As can be seen, Benco kept
The definition is taken from UTET, vol. V, p. 590.
94
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
"falena's" main symbolic characteristics, even some of the features which clearly allude to a
'butterfly'; several examples will be discussed in the following section of this chapter. The
aspects which he altered regard the importance of the light: in Benco's story, Falena loses her
strength with the dawn and the daylight forces her to vanish. Another difference between the
symbolism of "falena" and Benco's depiction of her can be seen in her additional phantasmal
and demonic qualities. This rich make-up which Benco created with his protagonist could be
the reason why some authors have investigated the phenomenon of such a creature and its
relationship with demonology. A curious explanation can be seen in the following quotation:
In demonologia, la Falena potrebbe definirsi uno spirito incubo. Una creatura infernale, partorita
dalla notte; capace d'attirare gli uomini con lusinghe d'abisso, succhiarne a poco a poco la forza
vitale, congiungersi con essi in un rapporto maledetto ma pieno d'estenuante volutta, estinguerne il
corpo e dannarne l'anima. [Isotta, I sentieri della musica, p. 295]
[In demonology, Falena could be defined as an incubus. [She] is an infernal creature, brought forth
by the night; [she is] able to attract men with the allurements of the abyss, to drain very slowly their
vitality, uniting with them in an accursed intercourse full of enfeebling sensual pleasure, to
extinguish their body and damn their soul.]
Isotta's comment, emphasizing the femme fatale aspect of Benco's protagonist supports the
view that the story deals primarily with eroticism. Another curious point which transpires from
the author's article refers to the whole Decadent era:
Fu il personaggio femminile stesso ad assumere ... la funzione della 'fiamma che attira e brucia'.
... Da Samson et Dalila a Carmen, da Parsifal (Kundry) a Salammbo di Reyer a Erodiade di
Massenet a Salome,... l'opera di quei tempi non ci sembra fatta che di mangiatrici di uomini. [ibid.]
[It was the female character which took upon herself the role of a 'flame which attracts and burns'.
From Samson and Dalila to Carmen, from Parsifal (Kundry) to Salammbo by Reyer, to Erodiade by
Massenet, to Salome, ... the opera of that time seems to be mainly made of eaters of men.]
Isotta's view should be looked at, at this point, because it draws attention to an important issue.
Although internationally, the popularity of themes such as the femme fatale was indisputable, in
Italy such topics were mainly promoted by D'Annunzio. Thus, the novelty and the importance
of Benco's Falena is more significant if we realise that there were not many "falenas" in the
Italian operatic repertoire at the time.3'
See Paolo Isotta 1978,1 sentieri della musica, Milan: Mondadori. For more on the operatic repertory see the Time
line 3 and 4, Appendix C.
95
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
The subject which does stand out is D'Annunzio's pastoral tragedy La figlia di lorio (1903),
since it was rewritten as a libretto (by D'Annunzio himself) and set to music (by Franchetti, in
1906). Regarded as one of the poet's best achievements for the theatre, La figlia di lorio has
inspired much scholarly investigation. The genesis of the story reveals that the incentive for the
writing of the tragedy goes back to an incident which occurred in a small village of Abruzzo.
Witnessed by D'Annunzio and by the painter Francesco Paolo Michetti, who was
D'Annunzio's lifelong friend, the event involved the sudden appearance of a young, distressed,
screaming woman, chased and cursed by inebriated, lustful men. The incident left a strong
impression on Michetti, and became the inspiration for his painting entitled La figlia di lorio
(1895). Likewise, it became a part of D'Annunzio's play of the same title."
Let us outline briefly the story of the tragedy. The plot evolves around Mila di Codra, who is
the outcast daughter of lorio, and Aligi, a young man who is about to marry Vienda. When on
one occasion Mila suddenly bursts into Aligi's house in order to escape from the inebriated
men who were chasing her, Aligi is at once fascinated by her. Although he is by now married
to Vienda, Mila and Aligi run away. When his sister Ornella and his father Lazaro come to look
for them, imploring Aligi to return home, the event turns into a tragedy: the old Lazaro
attempts to rape Mila, and is killed by his son. As Aligi is brought home to be forgiven by his
mother, Mila arrives, taking the blame of the murder upon herself: she claims that she
"enchanted" Aligi, thus releasing him from the charge. Aligi curses her as a "witch!" (strega),
before she is taken away to be burned.
The similarities which can be found in La figlia di lorio and Falena, begin with the mysterious
atmospheres surrounding the enchanted and bewitched characters. La figlia di lorio is set in the
"legendary world of the Abruzzi, a sensuous and violent land, bound by age-old rituals and
superstitions"38 and myths, while the legend of Falena is set on some indefinite European coast
in early Christian times. Both Falena and Mila were seductive female characters endowed with
supernatural power. In both tragedies, the woman was the protagonist and the cause of the
tragic finale. Characterised as cruel, fascinating, irresistible, and of infamous reputation, both
Mila and Falena are 'demonic', like witches, an aspect which again emphasizes further the
weakness of men. By contrast, Stellio (in Falena) and Aligi (in Figlia) were fragile, reluctant,
The origins of La figlia di lorio are discussed in the article by Raffaella Bertazzoli, "La figlia di lorio da Michetti
a D'Annunzio", in Annali d'ltalianistica 5, pp. 161-178.
38
Robert Dombroski 1996, "Writer and the society in the New Italy", in The Cambridge History of Italian
Literature, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 476.
96
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
as it were, intoxicated. They acted almost involuntarily with thoughts and feelings provoked by
something outside of their control.39
IV. 4 Libretto
i. Comments on the drama: "activity in dream" (Benco)
The Decadent movement was nocturnal and avoided the harsh sunlight of conscience. Its
unspeakable acts and intoxicating dreams required the cover of dark. What light the Decadents
needed the moon could supply. [Schmidgall, Literature as Opera, p. 254]
The fact that Benco with Falena, the very first libretto he had written, decided to create a
drama which would in large part evolve in dream rather than in reality, indicates that, right
from the start of his career as a librettist, he was interested in settings which were new and
unconventional, themes which were uncommon for the operatic stage. Being a novice in the
task might have also encouraged such an attitude. Until he met Smareglia, Benco's main
occupation was writing articles on arts and politics, while developing his own literary aptitude
in writing novels which very much belonged to the atmosphere of the fin-de-siecle. In
approaching libretto writing, Benco designed the legend of Falena as a text for music which he
himself had described in somewhat unusual terms: for him, Falena represented the kind of
theatre which in itself had a "musical soul". In the same article, "Le origini della Falena", he
explained further his concept of the libretto, insisting on its quest for music:
Io sono adunque passato ... a quella concezione di teatro che gia avesse in se stessa un'anima
musicale, che portasse figure, effetti e momenti tali da non poter essere senza l'elevazione alia
idealita. Dare un disegno di movimenti ideali, che armonizzassero ai ritmi, e stato il mio intento.
Azione in sogno e stato cio che mi si mosse dentro e che io cercai di tradurre.... [Benco, "Le origini
della Falena"]
[I therefore moved on ... to conceive the kind of theatre which would already have a musical soul,
which would contain figures, effects and such moments as could not exist without being elevated to
perfection. My intention was to provide a design of ideal movements, which would be in harmony
with the rhythms [of the music]. Activity in dream, that was what I felt inside and what I tried to
convey. ]
39
Further similarities between Benco's Falena and La flglia di Iorio (such as their oneiric and symbolic language, or
the drama being conceived through a series of suggestive images and as "recitation and movement of dance" (il
'dramma' e dizione e movimento di danza) can be found in the discussion of D'Annunzio's theatrical works by
Anna Barsotti 1978, "II 'teatro di poesia' ", in Rivista Italiana di Drammaturgia 9/10, pp. 32-36.
97
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
As a starting point, in order to realise his concept Benco thought of the image of Falena. In his
view such an apparition could inspire a variety of musical movements as the elements of a
"dramatic dance". In Benco's words:
Mi parve che, applicata alia plastica della scena, quest'immagine svolazzante nella fluida ampiezza
dei suoi veli intrisi di tenebre, sotto l'ispirazione continua di stimoli senza freno d'intelletto, potesse
fornire una serie di linee nuove, di atteggiamenti curiosi ed esuberanti, di vivacita di gesto
corrispondente a varieta di mossa musicale, quasi elementi d'una sorta di dramatica danza.
[It seems to me that, when applied to the plasticity of the scene, such a fluttering image, in the fluid
vastness of its veils immersed in darkness, an image which continuously stimulates and inspires the
intellect, could provide a series of new shapes, of curious and exuberant attitudes, of vigorous
gestures which correspond to a variety of musical movements, almost elements of a kind of dramatic
dance.]
The way Benco laid out the plot of Falena resulted in a drama which was, as he said, "more
outlined than developed" (Mario Smareglia 1934: 367). In fact, when he first handed the
libretto to Smareglia, the text was so short that the composer saw the whole opera ending in
just over twenty minutes.40 Although such a miscalculation by Benco was surely due to his
inexperience in writing a text for an opera, what remains clear is his intention to create a work
which would be "short, fast and urgent" (breve, rapida, incalzante), portraying a kind of
"turmoil" which disturbed the tranquil life of a small, religious community; perturbation of the
most "wild" kind.41 Looking closely at the libretto, and at the way in which Benco structured
the plot, we can notice that he had, in fact, outlined the plot in such a way that the events which
precede Falena's appearance bear no dramatic weight. When she does appear, however, our
attention is completely captured: act I ends with Stellio falling into a "magic dream"; in act II
we are in Stellio's dream; in act in, Stellio and the night 'wake up', making Falena disappear.
Instead of an effective development of plot, there are incidents; as Isotta remarked, "the drama
proceeds in transitions rather than in starkly contrasting situations", and our attention moves
"from the events to the shadows of events".4"
40
Cf. Benco, Ricordi, p. 48.
41
The comments are taken from Benco's article on the origins of Falena; the full quotation is as follows: "ho avuto
di mira ...un opera breve, rapida, incalzante, atta a rappresentare una specie di turbine scatenato in mezzo alia vasta
e religiosa calma d'un popolo adorante il suo Iddio ...".
42
The full quotation is "nelTopera il dramma s'insinua per trapassi, piu che per brusche contrapposizioni ... .
L'estenuata lunghezza di questi trapassi sposta l'attenzione dalle cose all'ombra delle cose", in Isotta, I sentieri della
musica, p. 297.
98
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
One way in which Benco created restlessness in the plot was by employing melancholy topics
in the dialogues, for example, in the opening scene between Albina and the young girls around
her, or with the sailor's song, which is heard to "arise from the sea", with a particularly tragic
tone and text. There are small crescendos which build up the tension of the drama primarily
through the character's own agonies. Particularly illuminating is the case of Albina.
Throughout the story her character is depicted as unsettled, frightened by some immaterial
forces; this can be seen on several occasions when she mentions the continuous nightmares she
has. Although Albina tells Uberto and Stellio about it, and although her comments are
overheard, they linger in the atmosphere as some kind of ominous premonition of fate. The
effect recalls the atmosphere of Maeterlinck's Pelleas\ in his play, "Destiny" is viewed as "the
most important member of the dramatis personae" (Youens 1988: 60). This kind of tension in
Benco's libretto is carried further when Albina and the King finally declare their love for each
other. The poet sets this scene in a dark and eerie ambience, in which Stellio embraces Albina
"almost without touching". As the King announces that Albina will be his bride, she replies
"confused":
Mi conturba ogni accento / ogni olezzo di fior ... come uno spirito / vagante per la sera .... [libretto
1928, p. 19]
[Every tone disturbs me/ every scent of flower ... as a spirit / wandering at night time.]
Once Falena arrives the drama accelerates, focusing henceforth on her own and Stellio's state
of mind. In order to carry out such a drama the poet structured the libretto in three acts, each
conceived as a single scene displaying what he described as "settings which are dominated by a
certain feeling". In Benco's words, some of the scenes included are, for example, "the
impressionability of Albina, the thrill of the night which spreading through the community,
Stellio's orgy, Albina's cry in her soul, the turmoil of the escape, Morio's wisdom, [and] the
death scene and the sun shining on death".43 Laid out in evocative language, the poet's libretto
"artfully combined decadent and symbolist elements".44
43
The quotation of Benco is as follows: "... l'impressivita d'Albina, il brivido della notte che si propaga in tutto un
popolo, l'orgia di Stellio, il pianto di Albina nella sua anima, il tumulto della fuga, la saggezza di Morio, la morte e
il sole sopra lamorte..in Benco, "Le origini della Falena".
44
Matteo Sansone 1992c, "Antonio Smareglia", in The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, ed. by Stanley Sadie, vol.
4, pp. 417-418.
99
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
/
n
A
mm >> <- ,*v
WwM-3
'
Illustration 6: The sketch for Albina, 1899. Civico Museo Teatrale "C. Schmidl".
ii. The revisions of Falena: unpublished letters
45
Vedrai, caro Benco, che ora faremo una Falena come tu forse la vedevi nella fantasia.
[You will see, dear Benco, that now we will make a Falena as perhaps you imagined it.]
Written in 1902, several years after Falena had its first performances in Venice (1897) and in
Trieste (1899), Smareglia's comment gives the impression that the two of them were still
writing the opera. The survey of the genesis of Benco's libretto reveals that the text went
through numerous changes before assuming its final form, from the time it was first written
until the 1920s. Different versions of the libretto which have been published (in 1897, 1911 and
45
From Smareglia's unpublished letter B. C. 1254 written around 1902. See Appendix B.
100
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
1928, for example) allow us to follow the modifications in detail, at the same time enabling us
to gather the most complete picture of the story. These are the kind of alterations which do not
affect the main aspects of the legend in terms of its development or the main ideas it embodies.
Instead, they provide us with an inventory of transformations of the plot which were
subsequently adopted.
One example is the opening of act I: in its original version, Benco imagined that it should be
played out in a more lively and spirited mood. Originally the poet depicted Albina and her
maids cheerfully reminiscing of the times they all went sailing. They recalled that on one
occasion, a hurricane threatened their boat, but the King was with them and saved their lives.
Besides revealing the King's admiration for Albina, the comments of the girls succeeded in
making her smile, which then puts her father in good spirits. In spite of the fact that Benco, as
late as 1912, thought that the opera needed and "lacked" this kind of "joyous" scene, the scene
was changed on Smareglia's suggestion.46 It is likely that Benco's argument that the scene
would be in "contrast" with the following episode involving Uberto, seemed unconvincing to
the composer: looking into the first version of the libretto we can notice that there is no real
contrast since Uberto simply continues conversing with Albina and her friends (about the
hunters returning home). In the revised version Benco altered the episode by keeping Albina
melancholy, sad and inconsolable, thus establishing, from the very start, the gloomy
atmosphere of the plot. A substantial alteration can also be noticed in the scene which followed,
the capture of the thief. To this episode Benco added more space in the plot: the newer version
47
involved a chorus, creating a more violent scene and further building up the tension.
The modifications of Falena, discussed between Benco and Smareglia, have been partially
revealed in the correspondence between the two artists. The published edition of some of the
letters which Smareglia received or sent, grants us only a limited view of their collaboration.48
It includes no letter which discusses step by step the making of the opera. The three letters from
Benco to Smareglia which do discuss some details of the fashioning of Falena, provide more of
a flavour of their arguments.49 For example, in a letter written by Benco in 1903, we learn about
a series of verses which the poet added to act III. One of the scenes which was significantly
extended in its new layout was the dialogue between Stellio and Falena: their final episode, set
In the same letter we learn that the poet disagreed with Smareglia about making "Uberto more interesting". See
Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, p. 69.
47
From letter B. C. 1254, see Appendix B.
48
The published correspondence includes a selection of letters which belonged to Smareglia's grandson Silvio
Smareglia, and some of the letters kept in the archive of Museo Teatrale C. Schmidl in Trieste. No letter was
included from the archive of Biblioteca Civica.
The letters were written in 1903 and 1912. See Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, pp. 32-33, 70-72. A part of discussion
of the three published letters is included in Chapter VI.
101
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
in the first half of act III, before they are found by Morio. Although nowhere in Benco's letter
do we learn about the reasons of these alterations, there is a unpublished letter, written by
Smareglia to Benco around 1903, which clarifies the picture, revealing why the composer was
not at all satisfied with the layout of the scene. As Smareglia put it:
[La scena] deve venire ampliata svolgendo maggior ricchezza, varieta e forza di passione, di scatti,
con qualche frase violenta specialmente per Falena, qualche tirata melodica o drammatica, perche
come sta la scena e povera, meschina e la Falena in questo atto non riesce sulla scena ad ottenere
impressione alcuna.™
[The scene has to be expanded, in order to appear richer and to contain some variety and intensity of
passion, of outbursts, with some violent phrases especially for Falena, with some melodious or
dramatic gesture, because as it is the scene is poor, miserable, and Falena does not leave any
impression in this act.]
Originally Benco imagined the scene as being concise: it depicted the King and Falena arriving
from the woods, appearing agitated and nervous as they hear the voices of hunters calling for
Stellio. The scene as such turned out too short, lacked dramatic interest, and provided only a
partial understanding of the situation. Furthermore, it allowed the composer limited space to
develop it as powerfully and intensely in music as he needed to. As we find out from another
unpublished letter by Smareglia, the composer was certain that Benco's new version was
suitable:
I cambiamenti o meglio, aggiunte alia Falena mi piacciono, e proprio quello che mancava e quindi
ci voleva: cosi l'azione della protagonista riuscira chiara, piu drammatica e il quadro sulla scena
diventa completo. '
[I like the changes, or better, the additional verses in Falena, it is precisely what was lacking and
therefore needed: in this way the protagonist's action will prove clear, more dramatic and the whole
scene then becomes complete.]
The examination of these verses shows that Benco elaborated the dialogue in greater detail,
adding twenty-five lines which revealed that Falena was becoming more vulnerable, somehow
'different', a fact which agitated the King even more.5" Their argument proceeded, revealing the
frenzy of their souls, until Falena finally vanished. The elaboration of this episode provided the
50
See letter B. C. 1255 in Appendix B.
51
See letter B. C. 1266 in Novel, '"Visione musicalissima'", p. 48. This article draws the attention to and transcribes
in full several of the letters which are kept in the Biblioteca Civica in Trieste.
52
See Benco 1897, La Falena: leggenda in tre atti, pp. 54-55.
102
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
composer with the opportunity to evoke it through music with particular power, both in the
orchestra and the vocal parts.
The detailed investigation of Smareglia's correspondence confirms the fact that the material of
major importance for our research is the group of letters which have not yet been published."
Many such letters contain vital information about the two artists, their relationship or their
career, and were essential for carrying out the present study. More important for this chapter is
the fact that most of these letters include elaborate discussions on revisions of the Falena
libretto. These alterations are worth studying for two main reasons. Firstly, they reveal details
in the story which would not have been known to us otherwise. Secondly, most of the
unpublished letters were written by Smareglia (dictating to his sons or students) to Benco. The
letters reveal, as our earlier example has shown, that the composer was not quite satisfied with
Benco's text and kept demanding, over a period of time, various changes. Even though this
was, at times, a matter of changing either isolated verses or their dramatic functioning, the fact
is that this hardly corresponds to Benco's remarks in his Ricordi about Smareglia almost never
demanding alterations of the libretti he was working on." Instead, the discovery of numerous
letters confirms that Smareglia took a much more active part in the fashioning and the
development of the libretto than Benco would lead us to believe.
A great source of additional information on the drama resides in Benco's stage directions. One
curious example is Falena's physical appearances, and her movements, which in their original
form Benco imagined as close to a "butterfly-like" creature." From what transpires from
several letters we learn that this was to be changed, following Smareglia's suggestion. As can
be seen in act I, in Benco's original version, at the moment Albina tells her father of her bad
dreams, she describes her vision as a creature "with wings". The following lines,
Sai ... le notti / agitate da sogni ... conturbate / da uno sbattere d'ale .../ strano... strano,
[You know .. .the nights / agitated by dreams .. .disturbed /by the beat of wings.../ strange.. .strange]
were changed to:
56
ho tocco il cuore/ d'un presagio di tutte le mie notti; / vidi una donna in sogno, strana, strana ....
Among the rest of the unpublished letters, the most significant are included in Appendix B.
54
See Benco, Ricordi, p. 79. Also see Chapter VI section VI. 2.
An example of Benco's particularly telling stage direction for Falena can be quoted from the footnote in the 1897
edition of the libretto: "L'azione dell'ignota ... ha un carattere d'irrequietezza proterva: muove di qua e di la,
sempre agitando le sue lunghe vesti, con passo leggero, ma imperiosa nel portamento, alta la testa e le pupille
concentrate con potenza magnetica negli occhi di Stellio. Lo scatto ferino, il riso sardonico, il gesto vivace e
pittoresco delle mani la distinguono da ogni creatura umana", see Benco 1897, La Falena, p. 20.
Cf. the editions of Falena from 1897 and Benco 1928, La Falena: leggenda in tre atti di Silvio Benco. Musica di
Antonio Smareglia. The page numbers of all the quoted examples refer to one of these two editions.
103
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
[I found in my heart / an ever-nocturnal premonition/ I saw a woman in my dream, strange, strange.]
The reason why the composer preferred to eliminate all which could indicate the "butterfly"
features of Falena, or of her "flying", was that in his opinion this would give the wrong
impression of her, making her character too trivial in the eyes of the audience." This was
explained further in the letter, in connection with act ID, in which Smareglia persuaded Benco
to change the stage directions which accompany Falena's vanishing:
Elimina lo svolazzare che pure ha dato luogo a malevoli e sbagliate interpretazioni sul personaggio.
Via pura il vola ... Cambiare quindi l'idea: "... e una grande farfalla che vola per le [...]" che e
facilmente sostituibile con altro verso che non stabilisca la farfalla. [from letter B. C. 1255, see
Appendix B]
[Eliminate the fluttering which caused malicious and mistaken interpretations of her character. Get
rid of the flying ... Thus change the idea: "... it is a big butterfly which flies around [...]"; this is
easily interchangeable with another line which does not firmly point at the butterfly.]
From what can be discerned in Smareglia's letters, besides their diverse concept of Falena's
outward appearance, the whole scene in act I, involving the sudden appearance of Falena and
the terror she causes were viewed differently by the librettist and the composer. Similar to other
instances, in Benco's original layout, the scene was too concise: following his frightening
encounter with Falena, Stellio immediately called Uberto, telling him what happened, and
imploring Uberto to protect him from the night that is ahead of him.58 The composer, however,
was not content with such a concept." Smareglia felt that Falena needed to be further
elaborated as a character and to be given more verses which would underline her voluptuous
and seductive nature. Furthermore, she would cast a spell on the King, gradually by the end of
the scene inducing him to sleep, before then disappearing. According to Smareglia, in this way
there would be an opportunity for her to be given a "warmer" expression, in contrast to the
impression she left when she first came into sight:
The excerpt from the letter is as follows: "...per eliminare tutto cio che ha della farfalla o del volare cid che trasse
in errore e in malevoli commenti sul personaggio di Falena", see Appendix B, letter B. C. 1255.
58
Although the scene was changed, Benco kept the idea of Uberto guarding Stellio at night: we can see this from
Falena's narrative at the beginning of act II.
59
Looking at the versification of this scene, we can notice that Benco extended the scene from 31 to 60 lines uttered
by Falena.
104
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
Cosi la Falena avra una frase calda di carattere voluttoso, insinuante che contrastera moltissimo col
carattere della sua entrata, e mettera subito in vista anche la parte sensuale del suo essere perche
appunto il nuovo brano dovrebbe essere pieno di promesse insinuanti, voluttuose, sensuali."°
[This way Falena will express herself in a voluptuous, insinuating way which will be very much in
contrast with her character when she first appeared, and it will immediately make obvious the
sensual side of her being since the new passage should be full of insinuating, voluptuous, sensual
promise... .]
As a result, the scene gained in poetic depth, and was most effectively conveyed in Smareglia's
music; the example is discussed in the section on music [see Example TV A]. The composer
also intervened with respect to Benco's original concept of Stellio calling for Uberto and the
peasants after Falena disappeared. Such an idea seemed "ingenuous and childish" in such a
context; the scene needed to be more "effective". This led him to propose a different solution:
once Falena shocks everyone by exerting her powers, she vanishes; all we hear is the voice of
Uberto approaching and calling for his daughter. He arrives on stage once Falena is already
gone, and hears what happened from Albina.6' In order to illustrate a sample of Benco's
changes for this scene, and to get an idea of the way it gained its dramatic power, we may quote
some of Falena's lines from the two libretti:
old version:
Stellio: Vattene, o chiamo la gente!
Falena: Vuoi la nemica o I'amante, di?
Stellio: La mia gente chiamo!
Falena: Ed io stanotte I'anima/ ti chiamerd dal
sonno!... /verrai... oh se verrai!...
[Falena disappears]
[libretto, p. 22]
new version:
Stellio: Torna al fosco tuo mondo!
Falena: Di, non ti sembro io / potente e bella?
Di!
Stellio: Orrida e la bellezza / in te!
Falena: Stanotte I'anima / tua chiamerd dal
sonno, / dal sonno che su te/ con I'ali
nere stendo!
Albina: Stellio! Da me lontano! Stellio!
Falena: La notte e mia! / E quando impongo un
sonno inesorabile / sul ciglio degli
umani, ei non si destano / se non per
correr folli tra le tenebre / a cercar le
mie braccia: Stellio e mio! A la mia
voce il sonno / con ali carezzevoli / si
spicca dai lontani /padiglion de le stelle
/ e dolce dolce su' tuoi cigli cala ...
... [the scene continues]
[libretto, pp. 22-3]
60
See Appendix B, letter B. C. 1255.
See Appendix B, letter B. C. 1254.
105
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
The scene continues with another twenty-two lines of dialogue relating to Falena's threats,
Stellio's defeat and Albina's fear, which were added at Smareglia's insistence. From the
content of the verses, it appears that Smareglia wanted to evoke a more mysterious and poetic
idea of Falena's identity and the overall impression she leaves on the spectator.
Leading in the same direction were the changes which can be noticed in the second and third
act of the legend. Particularly different (simplified or, at times, omitted) are the stage
directions, which in the original version had been more descriptive and specific. We notice that
Benco often gave exact descriptions of the kind of gestures he wanted his character to use on
stage. These are often idealised rather than practical. An illustration can be found at the
opening of act II; in the original version, Falena was described as lying on the floor near the
"purple stack of wood which sends a fiery reflection over her face, reviving the splendour of
her glance".6' There are numerous other examples from the first edition of the libretto: Falena's
slow vanishing was to be expressed "with gestures of agony" (con gesti di tormento, p. 48) and
Stellio's dismay was "torn between hope and extreme terror" (convulsamente, sbattuto fra una
speranza e un estremo terrore, p. 52). The descriptions of this kind are omitted in the latter
version of the libretto. And yet, although Benco's stage directions might not have proved to be
practical, their content is interesting to consider with respect to the possible articulation of
music they suggested. There are numerous instances in which the comment seemed to direct
the expression ofmusic, for the orchestral texture, such as "a moment of perfect silence passes;
then we hear two knocks on the wooden door" (un momento di perfetto silenzio trascorre. Indi
alia porta di legno si batte una due volte, p. 28), act II, while Falena awaits for Stellio, or for
Morio's phrasing "while Morio talks with slow cadence Stellio listens from afar" (mentre
Morio parla con lenta cadenza, Stellio ascolta lontano..., p. 51).
It should be mentioned that, with respect to the versification of act II and III, an examination
reveals various changes of lines, in particular in the dialogues between the King and Falena. As
an example, we can look at the verses early in the second act. To build up the erotic tension
between them Smareglia insisted on Benco providing additional lines. In wanting to enhance
the intensity of their encounter, the new verses needed to be "warm, anxious, of erotic impulse,
voluptuous".63 These kind of suggestions, which can be traced in Smareglia's letters or found in
different versions of the libretti, confirm that the composer was very much involved in
conceiving the details of the plot itself, influencing the supply of both the poetic and the
dramatic ingredients. These elements would be further evoked in his music.
"Presso la catasta purpurea, che le manda un riflesso igneo sul viso e le ravviva lo splendor degli sguardi sempre
immobili...". See the first edition of libretto (1897), p. 27.
63
Smareglia demanded " ...altri quattro versi circa, caldi, ansiosi, di slancio erotico, voluttuosi...", see letter B. C.
1276 in Novel, " 'Visione musicalissima' ", p. 53.
106
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
* '#
i
■ :: jjil
• ; * . •
p ;'i:f ff :• Cw '"&■ :' ''"f
^
.. : -•
*V >• '
"
;• *■ ■ s - ■'
\ • ' * '■
: . t \ \ . . . ..■■•>-
: ""V* •' * >*-V:
^ - fair
• X 'ft \ i
3
U 4
|Lim
Wr-
-mSM
i
I
xm
Eati
h:.
il
111
■Jt
ijsf
»' ' ijffai
BP
i#
/ iv,,-;- U-.T>
v; .. J , '
> . Si ./ 1 . .. | .... ... . * '■ ■
Illustration 7: Uberto, from Civico Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl", Trieste
iii. Literary structure - versification
...[A]vevo sviluppato le situazioni musicali in didascalie e m'ero dimenticato che i personaggi
avevano bisogno di versi da poter cantare. [Benco, Ricordi, pp. 48-9].
[I had developed the musical situations in the stage directions and had forgotten that the characters
needed verses in order to be able to sing].
Before looking into the musical structure of the opera, the aspect of the libretto which remains
to be briefly examined is the versification of the libretto. With the emphasis placed so far on
the poetic features of the text, such as its evocative and symbolic images or the sense of
107
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
mystery of the plot, the question which poses itself is, how did such features reflect upon the
structure of the text?
An analysis of prosody in Falena reveals that among the lines used by Benco overwhelmingly
predominant are endecasillabi and settenari, the two most characteristic meters in Italian verse,
which were traditionally used for recitatives and other freer passages in Italian opera libretti.
From time to time there are certain sections of the text which are outlined in strict metric
patterns, clearly indicating musical forms: for example, particularly suggestive of traditional
forms is the "sailor's song", placed early on in act I: it is delineated in two strophes of five
lines, in which Benco combined quaternari and ottonari (4+8+4+4+8)[libretto p. 10].
Furthermore, there is an example of a set of nine settenari, underlining Albina's first arioso in
act I. The only exception in this case is one endecasillabo, interpolated between the first and
third line of the text:64
Stringo sul seno ilfiore:
E nato appena, e piccoletto e bianco A
E domani morra! B
Un bimbo in agonia, C
Unafoglia cadente D
D 'autunno, un cuor di vergine
D 'amor afflitto e stanco: A
Dentro I'anima mia C
E tutto una pieta... B
The example of Albina's lines is notable because, although written in seven-syllable lines, there
is no tight metric pattern between them: each verse seems to have its own rhythm, composed
with a free distribution of accents. We can note Benco combining all the different verse
endings: sdrucciolo (line 6), tronco (line 3 and 9) and piano (normal) ending (line 1, 2, 4, 5, 7,
8). Furthermore, the poet coordinated the lines by playing with rhyme: within the inner
structure of Albina's arioso, there is "rima tronca" (C), as well as various other types of rhyme,
such as "embraced" or "crossed" (rima abbracciata and rima incrociata). Throughout the
libretto we can notice Benco experimenting with rhyme groupings, all of which belong to the
established models of Italian prosody and can be found in the poetry at the turn of the century.
The examples from the text correspond to those included in the study ofW. Th. Elwert; we can
identify them under the following terminology: "rima bisticco" (lento - lamento, p. 10), "rima
54
See the libretto from 1928, p. 9.
108
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
derivata" (mare - amare, p. 10), "rima alterna" (L'alme / pieta - palme / belta, p. 18/19), and
others."
For all the originality of the libretto and freedom of form of the text, as can be seen, certain
traditional elements remain. Nevertheless, Benco was not much conditioned by traditional
libretto writing. He took the advantage of the novelties which were brought to Italian verse by
Boito: this can be seen in the extended and flexible use of versi sciolti, in his experimenting
with other strophic forms and rhyming combinations, as well as in occasional use of archaic
words in the libretto. More interestingly, the heavy use of versi a selva and their flexible metric
patterns give the libretto an almost prose-like fluidity. An example can be seen towards the end
of act III, at the moment when, just before Falena vanishes, Stellio recognises that she seems
"different". Benco structured Stellio's declamato in a series of different lines
(11+5+6+15+9+6+12+6):
Ah, piu quella non sei, tutta difoco,
Che con gli amplessi,
Coi canti, coi baci,
Ardevi, struggevi la vita dell'anima mia!
Son tremule, son vacillanti
Le labbra. E tu taci,
E invan la pupilla, che piu non ha impero,
M'insegna la via!
[Libretto, p. 54]
On the basis of what has been discussed about the versification of the libretto it can be said that
Benco manifested a great amount of creativity and literary freedom in outlining the drama. By
1895, the year in which Falena was written, the formal expectations of music (of arias and
duets for example) no longer depended so directly on the layout of the libretto as was the case
until some ten years earlier. While the music was expected to provide the continuum, fusing all
the components of the opera in a coherent structure, the scope of the poet was to create the kind
of poetry which would grant metric variety and poetic language in order to 'complement' the
music. Benco represents the tendency of libretto craftsmanship which was encouraged by men
of letters such as Boito and Giacosa. From the very beginning he revealed his ability to create
drama, as the critic Mila put it "with Boito-like elegance and precious vocabulary".66 These
features, the inventing of a completely original dramatic setting, as well as the inherent literary
qualities of the text, have earned Benco's libretto what seems to be the most suitable
description of it: "free verses for music" (versi liberi per musica) (Corazzol 1995:13). As
The present discussion as well as the terminology used is based on the book by Th. W. Elwert 1973,
Versificazione italiana dalle origini ai giorni nostri, 2nd ed., trans, from German by the author, Florence: Le
Monnier. Page numeration refers to the 1928 edition of the libretto.
66
Massimo Mila's article in La Stampa, 20 March 1975.
109
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
Benco had explained himself, in this libretto "everything was aimed at music". Such "free"
design, as will be seen, was reflected in Smareglia's music.
IV. 5 Music - "drama [conceived] as a part of music"
Ora gli si offriva nella Falena una linea di situazioni sinfonice quale non gli avevano dato i
precedenti libretti da lui musicati. [Benco, Ricordi, p. 52]
[Now in Falena he was offered a series of symphonic situations such as were not provided in the
previous libretti he set to music.]
Since Smareglia's involvement in the design of the Falena libretto was so extensive, perhaps
more than in any other of the Benco operas, it seems sensible to begin the analysis of the music
by looking further into some parts of the plot which were considerably changed upon the
composer's insistence. Besides shedding light upon Smareglia's conception of Falena, these
scenes provide an explanation of the question: what did the composer visualise and develop in
the plot, and more significantly, how was it all reflected in music?
Benco's libretto offered Smareglia the kind of story which was essentially static, it suggested a
series of settings which were, as the poet described them, "dominated by a certain feeling", as
well as containing rich poetic images which aspired to be set to music. The particular
importance and space which Benco conferred on music in the story induced him to tailor the
scenes and the images in a compressed form, providing a framework for moods, similarly to a
'poetic programme'." This kind of conception was to touch the imagination of the composer.
Music was, in Benco's opinion, "the soul" of Falena, and it was expected from the composer
not only to evoke its atmosphere, interpret its action, but also to develop the drama. As can be
seen from his article, Benco mentioned that his intention was not to elaborate the dramatic
situations: this was to be achieved through music.68
The openness of such a concept gave Smareglia a great amount of freedom in confronting
Falena and its mixture of the supernatural and real spheres. Still, the composer did have a few
moments of doubt about it. This is revealed by Benco:
67
In a critical review published in L'Indipendente on 7 September 1897, an anonymous author described Benco's
libretto as being a "skeleton for a musical poem" (lo scheletro d'un poema musicale).
68
Cf. Benco, "Le origini della Falena".
110
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
Smareglia aveva avuto dapprima non pochi dubbi su la Falena, troppo diversa dal genere di
melodrammi che aveva animato di musica fino a quegli anni, troppo discosta dalle regole e dalle
tradizioni del teatro: tuttavia per le sue possibility di musica, essa lo affascinava. L'ideale dell'opera
sinfonica era stato vagheggiato fin dai tempi intorno al '70 dai musicisti italiani sotto la suggestione
del grande sinfonismo drammatico di Wagner.^. . [Benco, Ricordi, pp. 51-2]
[At first Smareglia had more than a few doubts about Falena, being too different from the kind of
melodramas which he had set to music until then, too distant from the rules and traditions of the
theatre: still the possibilities it provided for music fascinated him. The ideal of symphonic opera had
been aspired to by Italian composers since the 1870s, under the influence of Wagner's great
dramatic symphonism....]
What emerges from Benco's comment is the fact that the drama he sketched was not going to
impose conditions on the composer; on the contrary, its "musical situations" were found by
Smareglia to be most stimulating. Furthermore, such a poetic text brought out the latent
tendencies of Smareglia: for example, his inclination for the symphonic articulation of music,
which he had revealed from the very beginning of his studies.6' The composer was encouraged
to develop the drama by symphonic means, immersing the voices into the all-powerful, dense
orchestral texture, following the principles of Wagner's music dramas. Smareglia approached
the text by preserving its poetic essence, touching the interior drama in the protagonist's soul.
Benco's story was to fuse with and become a part of his music, the result being what many
Italian critics called "a purely musical theatre" (un teatro esclusivamente musicale)1." This
concept of Benco's libretto conceived as "being a part of music" {concetto del dramma come
parte delta musica) is mentioned in the study by Perpich (Perpich 1992: 106). The author
explained this view by pointing out that besides developing the drama, Smareglia's music was
also to fulfil so much of what has been left unsaid in the libretto. In other words, the music
enveloped the drama; if we consider Benco's own view that Falena was written in order to
"supply" musical situations, one could almost say that he wrote it in order to support
Smareglia's musical setting.
As was discussed in the previous section, in the years which followed the opera's premiere
Smareglia thought that the text, although infused with tension and disturbances, lacked
dramatic fibre, and it was this element which the composer found necessary to revise. His
69
For example, Smareglia's student work Leonora, sinfonia descrittiva, written in 1876 after the ballad of G. A.
Burger.
70
See for example Perpich, II teatro musicale, p. 106. Descriptions such as "purely musical theatre" have been
adopted by many Italian and international scholars when discussing Smareglia's operas. This aspect of "poetic
theatre" is further discussed in Chapter V of this thesis.
Ill
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
suggestions to Benco indicate that he needed to render the plot and the rapidity of its action
more elaborate, and with more contrasts of mood. This was particularly the case in the
moments of the story which involved Falena. The image of her ghostly appearance and of her
mysterious powers, of the ecstatic duet between her and the King animated the composer's
imagination to create a series of "musical movements", such as of Falena's enchantment,
Albina's despair, Stellio's frenzy or the lament of the forest. The first fascinating music
example of it can be found in act I: Smareglia's musical introduction of Falena.
-
■y" il
- '-m k
--:rF<cA.
.. a
■' ■ * •
. *
.. r; . ~ ' J *
■-*" H 'H
** / ? ?; i * 7. \ ~ ~ y-v-
f
|i;
ff : -k
— Tfjli
Illustration 8: The image of Falena. The original sketches are kept in Trieste in the Civico Museo
Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl".
112
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
i. The image ofFalena
The whole opera is articulated in a powerful and densely symphonic musical language.
Although the overall impression which Falena leaves on the spectator is of what Sansone
described as "undramatic oneiric fantasies", there are certain parts of the plot in which the
undramatic element is subdued, and the opera resonates with the most vigorous musico-
dramatic life.7' The most significant dramatic moment of the story is contained in the episode of
act I in which Falena suddenly emerges from the forest. In music, the event is heralded by the
abrupt, chromatic figures hauntingly reiterated in a crescendo (in violoncelli, bassoon and bass
clarinet), underneath the raging tremolo in the violins and timpani. As the orchestra takes over
the love duet between Stellio and Albina [v. s. p. 50/1/2], the music is transformed into a
turbulent outpouring of themes which in the opera continue to be associated with anxiety (n. 8),
danger (n. 7) and fear (n. 2) [see thematic guide on p. 123-4],72
As stated in his letter, what Smareglia required from Benco was to expand this scene by
making it altogether more effective. In his opinion, Falena's sudden eruption from the forest
passed too soon, and was not sufficient to leave a strong impression: it all needed to be evoked
more persuasively. It seems that the kind of contrast he needed involved the transition from the
fear and terror caused by Falena to something which would appear triumphant at the same time.
The way Smareglia imagined this extension, of the scene was by adding more "insinuating,
voluptuous, sensual" verses for Falena: following her initial, violent entrance, in this manner
Falena would surprise further, unveiling the other, warmer side of her character."
The transformation of this scene was captured in the music most effectively; the example is
provided in Appendix D, Example D. 1. The energetic musical expression given to Falena's
initial appearance was gradually dissolved: there is a transitional four-bar orchestral section,
which, with delicately spaced modulations, leads the texture from D major to the brighter, E
major, tranquillising the atmosphere and establishing a poetic and serene kind of mood. It can
be said that all the attention is concentrated on this fresh glow infused in Falena's expression.
Set in Adagio, we see Falena in a new light as her arioso ("Alia mia voce il sonno") is given an
Sansone's comment refers to all three Smareglia and Benco's operas; see Sansone, "Antonio Smareglia pp. 417.
72
The analysis of the opera reveals numerous leitmotifs. The present list (see pp. 123-124 of this chapter) isolates
the most significant ones; the motifs are numbered according to the order of appearance. The numbers in square
brackets are being used for easier reference. The labels of these motifs have been chosen by the author; for the most
part, their names (or their main ideas) correspond to those of Hugo Tomicich, in his short guide to the opera. Cf.
Hugo Tomicich 1904, Die Falene: Legende von Silvio Benco, Musik von Antonio Smareglia, Berlin. See also
discussion on p. 122 of this chapter.
73
Smareglia discussed this scene in his letter, see Appendix B, letter B. C. 1255.
113
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
immediate placid intonation; we can isolate the sequence of vocal gestures, consisting of a two-
bar phrase, gradually ascending to a higher musical range. The diatonic course of her melody is
only apparent: there are chromatic turns of phrase, decorated with numerous anticipations and
appoggiaturas, for example, in the first three bars of her melody (v. s. p. 59 bars 6-9).
We can perceive that the composer continues to unfold her melody which, with the
involvement of Albina and Stellio, only seems to gain more intensity. Nothing appears to
disrupt her expression: we can note through the couple's agitated lines that they are already
affected by Falena: their voices fuse with her part, joining in brief but harmonious, almost duet¬
like combinations. The harmonic basis which envelops this texture reinforces its mesmerizing
effect by sustaining, during the first five bars, a slow oscillation of the E major and its
dominant minor 9th chord. As the pulse of Falena's melodic contour gently accelerates,
inducing Stellio to his magic sleep ("A un ala/ che ti sfiora i capelli, ala di sogno"), the
harmonic texture begins to shift chromatically. In spite of numerous modulations, the key of E
major predominates in this section, and is supported by sustained pedals (on its dominant or
tonic). At times the composer enhances the captivating effect by freezing the harmonic basis,
above which two chords oscillate in a succession, for example the four-bar fluctuating of d
minor and A major above the protracted pedal on E [v. s. p. 60/2/1 to 60/3/1]. The overall
effect of Falena's arioso is that of an incantation: besides casting a spell on the King, it leaves
an impression on the listener; the music foretells the happenings of act II.
The scene ends by Falena returning to her violent tone as she articulates her last prophetic
words, which Smareglia called "versi satanici". The orchestral texture temporarily freezes
above the diminished 7th chord, then underlines the fearful atmosphere by emphasising the
wildness of the motif of anxiety (n. 8). The effect is enhanced further with Albina's desperate
cry, spasmodically woven into the texture which follows.74 As the orchestra announces the
theme of her cavern (n. 10), Falena vanishes, leaving the memory of her presence in the
orchestra: the texture continuously employs the motif of danger (n. 7), and of Albina's cry (n.
11, see thematic guide)[p. 65/4/2-66/2/1], both which are elaborately used in act II.
For Albina Smareglia demanded additional verses described as: "versi ... molto spezzati, frasi corte fra le quali
trascorrono delle brevi pause", from the letter B. C. 1270, in Novel, " 'Visione musicalissima' ", pp. 51-52. The
discussion ofAbisso's vocal writing is provided in Chapter VI.
114
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
■ll
—
- i£.j
■
1
* V t
25
■ v ■
H
W
■If-
g'V Hi
mm
Illustration 9: The image of Albina from the 1899 performance in Trieste. From the Civico Museo
Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl".
ii. "Undramatic oneiric fantasy"
Smareglia's interventions in the layout of the dramatic structure of the second act, from what
appears in his letters, were not extensive as was the case in act I. An example worth mentioning
115
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
from a musical point of view is the set of additional lines he needed for Falena's monologue at
the beginning of the act. The composer imagined the scene as more extended: in order to
extend it, he asked for the kind of lines which would give a "warm, anxious, ... erotic
impulse". As a result the scene gained a short musical section, an Allegro conjuring up the
excitement stirred up by Stellio's arrival: both the orchestra and Falena for the first time
employ a musical idea associated with love (n. 6) [v. s. p. 90/3/1 to 91/2/1], The motif is
elaborated further as the main material in the texture, which is characterised by changes of
tempo and sudden chromatic modulations. Nevertheless, the moment which gave a particular
stimulus to the composer's imagination was the end of act II. The long delirium scene, often
referred to as "the lament of the forest", is a dream-inspired episode that Smareglia envisioned
while he had a fever [see Appendix D, Example D. 2].75 The example will be discussed on p.
121-122.
It could be said that the second act of the opera is the most illuminating example of the way in
which Smareglia evokes the eerie atmosphere of the plot and of the irrational world of the two
protagonists. From this moment on, the opera begins to unfold as an "undramatic oneiric
fantasy", as in fact, the action takes place while Stellio dreams. It is the part of the plot during
which Falena waits in her cave for the King, whom she had previously hypnotised. She seduces
him at first erotically, then by inducing him to drink, and by a particularly enticing way of
singing. This leads them into sensual pleasures, in the frenzy of which he is persuaded to
murder Albina's father, who comes to rescue him. Both characters move as if intoxicated, by
the wine, by each other's presence and by the nightmarish atmosphere around them. The
musical structure of this act is conceived as a single intense scene evolving around the two
main characters. The mounting tension of their emotions is realised in a constant alternation of
ariosos, which are at times more lyrical (when Falena wants to appear kind and attractive), at
others more declamatory (when she orders Stellio what to do). Although certain passages
resemble arias and duets, they arise imperceptibly from the symphonic texture and sink back
into it.
A distinctive feature of this act is the manner in which Smareglia evokes the hallucinatory state
into which his characters gradually sink. The following example [see Example IV A] displays
what can be described as Falena's 'hypnotic' music, which she sings in order to persuade
Stellio to drink some wine. Her melody is in contrast to the previous section: set in Un poco piu
sostenuto, she quietly begins to articulate a sleep-inducing phrase. The hypnotising effect is
achieved by several means. There is an immutable rhythmic pace suggested in a series of
This was revealed by Smareglia himself in the previously mentioned article "Come nascono le melodie?", see
Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 305. This scene is discussed as the music example IV D.
116
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
repetitive quinari lines, divided by short pauses. The orchestration is transparent, employing
sustained chords in the woodwinds, above which there is a "twinkling" motif (n. 15) coloured
by the high registers of violins con sordino. There are additional, rippling arpeggios in the harp.
Once the initial mesmeric effect is obtained, Falena's phrase unfolds into more melodious
expression. Although the slow pace and soft dynamic are retained, the composer gradually
raises Falena's voice to a higher register, preserving its trance-like expressivity.™
Example IV A: 'hypnotic music', v. s. p. 98
98
Rrmil - ge-moch Lie. - he ge- whmbdit hat. Unrttiie-Mr Sc - tig-fait tvill*t du,iHiU
IK. IMS.
More tension is infused in the scene as Falena becomes impatient and manipulative of her
guest: in order to overcome him completely she commands Stellio to drink her 'magic' wine.
The potion here gains an additional meaning, symbolising Stellio's inability to resist Falena
76
Two of the leitmotifs have been described as "twinkling" (because of their particular melodic shape) for easier
references in the analysis. Smareglia returned to the 'hypnotic' music further on in the act, in the moment when
Falena persuades Stellio to proving his love for her by killing the old Uberto, see v. s. p. 106/6/4 - 107/3/3.
117
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
and thus reinforcing their fated embrace. The dramatic significance of the moment, as well as
the danger hidden in the potion (announcing the effect it will have on Stellio) is emphasised in
music [see Example IV B, v. s. p. 101/2/1 - 103/1/3; see also thematic guide]. The orchestra
condenses several of the most significant leitmotifs of the opera, reminding us of the tragedy
(n. 1)[ in bar 5], of Falena's power (n. 5) [in bar 3] and of general anxiety (n. 8) [in bar 4]:
Example IV
l'a - ni-ma s'e
AlV det'ntrti - bet
re. Be-vi!
de. Trin-ket
Be-vi!
ritard.
ritard.
f r p i
• bo - - - -no, Be v'ob
iie mil
.
- be-di - - -seo o -
- ten-lot 'euch gv -
ili
*ytj^
v.rrr
jnip fTF} ? FQi
.La Falena. DxeFalene. (g
otainandolo)
titSestimsntkeit)
¥ >r - ■ r —
(Bfollto bovB.Judl contempt* ]* Falona cko Jo yo»HU Tolottaoaamonte.)
(fieUtotriAktidie fabma tieAt %An mit verlangmden Slick#*.)
Piu sostemito. (J = 89)
B: v. s. p. 101-103
118
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
102 Allegro moderato.(« . tie)
119
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
The dramatic moment of Stellio's 'metamorphosis' is instantly captured in music [from v. s. p.
102], The texture swiftly changes its expression by moving its tonality from F minor to F sharp
major, and transforming its movement, making a direct impact on the listener [on v. s. p.
101/3/4 - 101/4/1], The mounting tension and the sensual excitement of the two protagonists is
conjured up in the arioso in which one emotional state merges into another. There is a
succession of brief passages, alternating almost impatiently. Organised through a sequence of
richly orchestrated modulations, the flow of music involves the most distant tonalities: the
passages from F sharp major - D major - B flat major to G flat major produces a colouristic
effect, suggesting the change of mood, alluding partially to the polarities of the real and the
bewitched worlds. An example of these steps of tonality can be seen as with the shift from
120
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
Bflat to Gflat major, the point where the King, having heard Falena's 'proper' name, admits the
effect it has on him: "Redana! Strana musica del nome tuo", v. s. p. 102/4/1-3. We notice
Stellio's phrase ("Davver sei bella") gaining the part from what was Falena's sensuous melody
heard earlier on in the scene ("Te, te voglio") [cf. v. s. p. 102/1/1-3 with Example I. 3. E in
Chapter I, p. 15], then gradually escalating in its course, becoming more restless, agitated and
carried away by Falena's presence.
The drama of the rest of the act continues to evolve in this perpetual alteration of ariosos,
carrying this hallucinatory state of the couple further, with a climax in view as the second act
comes to its end." The ecstatic mood is given a variety of different expressions: for example,
Falena's meditative tone corresponds to Andantino ("Ed ecco fuor dal mare") [v. s. p. 130/1/1 -
3/2], and is joined by Stellio ("Confusi i tuoi capelli ai miei") [v. s. p. 130/3/2 - 131/3/1] whose
expression is accompanied with the orchestra led into an extremely high register, capturing the
disorder of his senses.
Smareglia's concentration on evoking this atmosphere reaches its culmination in the long
'delirium' scene at the end of act II [see Appendix D, Example D. 2, v. s. p. 134-139]. The
additional elements of symbolism and imagery pertaining to this part of the plot (such as the
permanent blood stains on Stellio's hands and his 'hearing' of Albina's voice) reinforce the
overall dramatic effect, stimulating Smareglia further in creating the most compelling musical
expression. The composer embedded it in a completely new orchestral texture in which we can
discern two main sections. At first, there is an eighteen-bar harmonic stasis maintained in the
suspended chord in the woodwinds (the secondary ninth on D sharp, as the submediant of F
sharp major) and supported further by harp arpeggios. Above this harmony we hear the
orchestra lingering in the upper registers; there is a continuous interweaving of almost lifeless
motifs in the violins (n. 12), in the horns (n. 13), with the "twinkling" phrase (n. 14) which,
contrary to the 'hypnotic music', now moves faster and involves the oboe. Although there are
continuous changes of metre (between 9/8 and 3/4), the repetitive syncopated rhythm above the
protracted pedal seems to restrain the melody from advancing its course, reflecting Stellio
imprisoned with the torment of his conscience. His agony is carried further as the tempo slows
down to Andante sostenuto, with a sinuous theme in the low register of strings (n. 15) which
chromatically leads the texture to C sharp minor. From this moment on the musical language
continuously underlines the cry of Stellio's conscience. There is a sustained pedal on C sharp
above which we hear Albina's cry, now symbolising the "the lament of forest", the theme
The exception is the appearance of Uberto, a brief episode during which Stellio kills the old man, which Smareglia
considered to be both dramatically and musically the weakest and most defective part of the act. Cf. letter B.C.
1276, in Novel, " 'Visione musicalissima' ".
121
Chapter IV - La Falena — "activity in dream"
whose associations we first perceived at the end of act I (see theme n. II).78 Its development
gradually permeates the whole musical texture, condensing the orchestra into an always
harmonically richer fabric, above which the vocal parts fluctuate in extremely high registers. In
this way Smareglia unveils the irrational, hallucinatory world occupied by the two protagonists.
Since the examples discussed in the analysis made references to numerous recurring themes of
the opera, it seems sensible to briefly reflect on the main musical ideas in Falena [see thematic
guide on p. 123-4]. The investigation of the opera's structure reveals that the composer
employed a wealth of musical themes into its texture. The examples discussed provide only a
sample of Smareglia's usage of leitmotifs; it can be said that there are some thirty frequently
recurring themes in Falena which permeate the musical texture.79 Smareglia employs these
themes in the 'Wagnerian' manner; they are all used as a generating force for the ongoing
musical development, and at the same time are endowed with dramatic significance. A curious
feature of these motifs is that most of them, similarly to Wagner's later operas (as in Tristan
und Isolde for example) are associated with 'ideas' rather than characters: out of the nine
leitmotifs to which we are introduced in the prelude which opens the opera, only one theme
directly refers to a character - to Falena's 'power' (or 'tempting') (n. 5). The remaining eight
symbolise tragedy (n. I), fear (n. 2), the spell (n. 3), restlessness (n. 4), love (n. 6), danger (n.
7), anxiety (n. 8) and threat (n. 9). What remains most in the mind when looking at the thematic
network, is the density with which the themes are woven into the score and Smareglia's skill in
reinforcing the drama with them; for example the orchestra often tells us more than the action
itself (condensing three leitmotifs in the moment when Falena orders Stellio to drink, cf.
Example IV B), or the musical foretelling of the event which will follow, such as the motif of
'tragedy' (n. 1), appearing several times 'turned' when Falena first mentions her powers [see v.
s. p. 51/3/2 and 52/3/1]. Once she uses her power the motif finally appears in its original form
[see. v. s. p. 57/4/5 -57/1/3].80
This part of act II is sometimes performed as an independent musical piece.
79
This estimate is tentative. The present list of the leading themes includes only the most relevant of them. The
leitmotif names are by the author and only in some cases correspond to those given by Hugo Tomicich; cf. this index
with Tomicich 1904, Die Falene. Legende von Silvio Benco. Musik von Antonio Smareglia, revised ed. Berlin:
Verlag von Alfred Katz.
80
Although it is correct that Smareglia, generally, preferred to use the musical themes (at least some of them) in
their original form, there are numerous examples of the composer transforming the leitmotifs, the fact which was not
considered by Vito Levi; cf. his Oceana di Antonio Smareglia: piccola guida verso I'opera, p. 25. See also
discussion in Chapter I.
122
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
LA FALENA - THEMATIC GUIDE
[1] Tragedy
-Mv-
-4+ M m
ff
[2] Fear
[3] Spell
mp espress.
^ PC/1 J
[4] Restlessness
-n-r—qi
m r*-
s/==— p
[5] Power
espress
p
i Hif _L_ 3
[6] Love
——A, ..jr:_L
S-—'
v 3
t>J br
mfespress.
[7] Danger
dim.
123
Chapter IV -La Falena - "activity in dream"
[8] Anxiety
/
[9] Threat
/ " dim.
[11] Albina's cry
3 \
--fe-—
p piu tranquillo ~
- 'T*
/ ~"=J-
[12]
[13]
J, | I" j violins
_ -
-1r—Ld" T—
horns
[14]
"Twinkling" motifs: [15]
JPsU. NIJ*^ J-S 1 ! ■' A-
T > as *■%-
[16]
p un poco sosr.
124
Chapter I\ -La Falena - "activity in dream"
IV. 6 Conclusion
... [I]n essa [Falena] ii musicista, liberato dei dialoghi piu o meno realistici che facevano ingombro
al suo naturale lirismo e magari forzavano in lui una vena comica o folkloristica che non era nel suo
carattere, acquistava una liberta d'espressione, una possibility di mantenere largo e puro il disegno
della musica, un vigore della sprigionata fantasia, che possono considerarsi qualita essenziali del
nuovo periodo che s'iniziava dell' arte sua. [Benco, Ricordi, 67]
[...In it [Falena], the musician, free from the more or less realistic dialogues which hindered his
innate lyricism, and perhaps forced him into a comic or folkloristic vein which was not in his nature,
gained a freedom of expression, a possibility of sustaining the musical design in a broad and pure
manner, the vigour of an imagination set free. These features can be considered as the essential
qualities of the new period which his art was initiating.]
The first impression which one gets when investigating Smareglia's Falena is of how unusual
it is and different from those operas that formed the repertory at the time in Italy. By virtue of
all its elements of the undramatic, its profusion of music, and Benco's decadent imagination in
creating the text, the opera seems to differ from the then predominant verismo operas, and to
head in the direction of what could be described as a 'poetic kind of theatre'. This aspect will
be further discussed in the examples from the other two Smareglia - Benco operas. The second
significant particularity of the opera is the manner and the effectiveness with which the music
and text are fused. It seems that Smareglia conveyed the poetic essence of the drama,
responding primarily to those elements of the plot which Benco himself, at times with the
composer's help, developed most successfully. Falena's initial appearance for example, or the
entire act II are the kind of scenes which both in the libretto and in the music are the most
powerfully expressed. On the other hand, the narrative of the sailor Morio (start of act III) or
even the murder of Albina's father, Uberto (half way through act II) remain insufficiently
interesting both in the story and in Smareglia's music. The explanation could be summed up in
the words of Waterhouse:
Smareglia's music is always refined, impressively spacious, and often truly elevated, though not
altogether evenly inspired; but it suffers from a certain uniformity of tone, a lack of dramatic
contrasts, and an inability to differentiate characters ... . [J. C. Waterhouse, The Emergence of
Italian Modern Music, pp. 57-8]
What transpires from Falena are the devices which, as will be discussed in the following
chapters, typify all three of Smareglia's operas set to texts by Benco.
125
Chapter IV - La Falena - "activity in dream"
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
CHAPTER V
OCEANA - TONE POETRY
Oceana. Commedia fantastica in 3 acts.
Milan, Teatro alia Scala, 22 January 1903.
E annunciata per questa sera la seconda rappresentazione della nuovissima opera di Antonio
Smareglia, Oceana - la quale verra certamente a ristabilire - noi speriamo - l'equilibrio fra gli
apprezzamenti disparati del pubblico e della critica, di fronte alia premiere. Ad ogni modo - e
cio appare dagli articoli largamente analitici di molti colleghi - VOceana e occasione di
diventare non solo il caso speciale, ma tutta una tesi. E sara bene la si discuta. [in II Tempo, 24
January, 1903]
[The second performance of the latest opera of Antonio Smareglia, Oceana, is announced for
tonight. It will certainly manage to re-establish, we hope, the balance between the disparate
opinions among the audience and the critics with regard to its premiere. In any case, as it
appears from the largely analytical articles by numerous colleagues, Oceana has a chance to
become not only a special case, but material for a whole dissertation. And so, it should be
discussed.]
V. 1 Introduction
Among the operas written in Italy in the first decade of the twentieth century, Benco's and
Smareglia's Oceana stands out for its originality and style. It is the only "fantastic comedy",
and was conceived by the writer and the composer in a style that had become recognised as
"teatro di poesia" (poetic theatre).' This expression did not, however, come from the composer
himself, or from the librettist. It has been used by recent critics who want to capture the
character of Oceana, and find "poetic theatre" to be the most suitable to describe the opera.
Another suitable description would be "allusive, purely musical theatre" (Sansone), and with
regard to all the three Benco and Smareglia operas, "undramatic oneiric fantasies" (Sansone).
Benco's desire to create a libretto with particular 'gaps' for music came a the time when the
nature of the task of writing libretti was undergoing very fundamental changes. The
i
Section V. 3. iii. is dedicated to "teatro di poesiasee also Chapter I. 2.
127
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
susceptibility of Italian literature at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to foreign
influences (to the French Symbolists and the writers of Decadence) was reflected in a new type
of collaboration between the writer and the composer, such as the one between D'Annunzio
and Franchetti (or Mascagni), or in the Benco - Smareglia works. The change was obvious even
in the works of Puccini who, after his achievement prior to and with Madama Butterfly (Milan
1904) felt that he needed to move away from realistic conventions: he started by looking to the
works of Oscar Wilde and Pierre Louys. As Tedeschi commented, Puccini's renewal was never
radical in the end, as he was in disagreement with the "decadent librettists" and gave up on
them (Tedeschi 1988: 51).
Benco's particular effort to deepen the musical implications in the text so as to stimulate
Smareglia's imagination, coincided with the composer's unfortunate physical condition (the
loss of sight). Still, it is difficult to believe that his libretti would have been different even if
Smareglia had kept his sight. In the late 19th and early 20th century, composers were asking the
librettist, who was often also a writer with an independent literary reputation as a poet, to
determine the atmosphere of the opera. An example is Mascagni's Iris (Rome 1898), for which
the composer commissioned the libretto from Illica, asking for a "a tragedy that could be
treated realistically but in which the setting could colour the music"." The outcome was a
number of purely orchestral sections and a very static plot. In the early twentieth century, Illica,
however, complained about the changes which threatened libretto writing, "corrupting the
simplicity and naturalness of language..." (Carner 1992: 86). The major figure he blamed, not
surprisingly, was the most eminent and clamorous representative of Italian decadence, Gabriele
D'Annunzio.
Taking a lead from a variety of existing documentation on Oceana, the aim of this Chapter is to
select those significant features from this opera which gave it a distinguished position in the
repertory in Italian theatres in the early twentieth century. A choice has deliberately been made
so that the themes which will be discussed, such as the sources of the libretto, or the idea of
"poetic theatre", complement the material in the rest of the thesis. Furthermore, these themes
seem, in my judgement, the most characteristic for this opera.
The following passages describe the genesis of the libretto, and investigate the features which
stimulated the composer's imagination. Although Smareglia had read Oceana in 1898, he went
on to set it to music when he was completely blind, having the verses read to him, and dictating
Michele Girardi 1992, "Iris", in The New Grove Dictionary ofOpera, ed. by Stanley Sadie, vol. 2, pp. 824-825.
128
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
the music. The intention of the last section is to analyse the peculiarities of Oceana's music: its
evocation of poetic atmosphere, its latent dramaturgy and the creative use of leitmotifs.
Illustration 11: Oceana, the cover page of the libretto on the occasion of the opera's premiere in
1903.
129
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
V. 2 Synopsis
Characters:
Vadar - one of the chiefs of the Noat tribe
Hareb - his brother
Nersa - young semi-divine girl
Peasants of the Noat tribe
Init - the God of the sea
Uls - genius of the sea
Ers - another genius of the sea
Tritons, sirens, undines, spirits ofwater
The plot takes place in Syria in the time of the patriarchs
Act I: On Vadar's plantation
The women from the Noat tribe are tired from a hard day's work. One of them, the young and
pretty Nersa, is singing happily, which irritates the others. They have been teasing her about a
dream she has had: that one day she would marry a divine creature. She has also attracted the
attention of the old widower Vadar, the rich owner of their land, who has fallen in love with
her. Out of jealousy, a fight breaks out among the girls. It is stopped by the sudden appearance
of Ers, genius of the sea. He knows about Nersa's longings, and persuades her to follow him
into the promised fairy land where the God of the sea, Init, is waiting to meet her. She accepts
his suggestion; however, their conversation is overheard by Vadar's younger brother Hareb
who has been walking nearby. He approaches them very quietly, interrupting their escape. A
brief argument follows between Ers and Hareb, which reveals Hareb's dishonest and foolish
nature. After a few minutes, he lets them go.
It is evening time. Vadar, in an attempt to make his brother tell him what has been happening,
offers him a hundred sheep. At this point Hareb reveals that Nersa has run away. Vadar is very
distressed and orders all the peasants to go and search for her. Soon, Nersa is found and brought
back by old Uls, another sea genius, and a friend of Ers. All the people demand Nersa's
punishment, which, according to traditional law, applies to anyone who runs away from the
tribe. Vadar, being in love, makes an exception. A dispute arises and is finally resolved by
3
Benco's decision to set the story in the time of the patriarchs is curious. From the many existing definitions in
dictionaries of the word "patriarch", Benco must have been attracted by the those which mean "an oldest inhabitant",
"a venerable old man" or "a father or founder". His choice may be explained by his desire to set the story in the most
vague and indefinite way possible.
130
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
Uls's proposal that Nersa should be abandoned on a distant beach for three days and three
nights. There, she can meditate on her guilt. After this period of solitude, Vadar will take her
home. Uls escorts her to the chosen spot by the sea. Their departure is followed by malicious
comments among the girls.
Act II: Nightfall on the seashore
While Nersa is asleep under the moonlight, Ers and Uls quarrel about who is going to win the
precious pearl, the prize that has been promised by Init to the one that finds his future bride for
him. Uls starts to sing a lullaby to Nersa, and soon falls asleep himself. The sea starts to
undulate. It is the sea God, Init, who arrives, accompanied by four tritons playing on seashells.
Init requests to see his future bride, and is fascinated by her beauty. He wakes her up and
renames her Oceana, promising her marriage and eternal love, and the title of Goddess of the
Sea. The two of them are enchanted by each other. While Uls is still asleep, Ers profits from the
situation, deluding Init into thinking that it was he who found Nersa and that he deserves the
precious pearl. Init commands undines to dance: one of them shall create the priceless pearl.
From a distance, Vadar's ship is seen approaching. Vadar could not live any longer without
Nersa, and with his brother Hareb, is searching for her. All of the sea creatures are alarmed, as
they must stay invisible to the humans. Nersa realises that she must return to Vadar, who has
given her a home when she was orphaned. Init protests and asks Ers for a way to stop the
humans taking away his Oceana. Ers proposes that the sirens should sing a song which will
stop the wind and disturb the sailors. While Init rushes to hide himself, the chorus of sirens try
to overturn Vadar's ship. However, Nersa asks Uls to save Vadar. She is moved by Vadar's
devotion and decides to return to the village and marry him. However, the sirens' melody
causes Hareb to go mad. As Uls wants to revenge himself on Ers for getting the precious pearl
by trickery, he helps Nersa in saving Vadar's boat. While she sings a farewell to the sea, Ers is
certain that she will soon return to their sea world.
Act III: At Vadar's palace
Vadar and Nersa's wedding celebration is in preparation. However, their faces are sad. Nersa is
melancholy, and thinks of her beloved Init. She is interrupted by the sudden appearance of Ers.
He announces a surprise to her: Init is with him. Nersa and Init confess and declare their eternal
love. Their embrace is seen by Vadar. Touched by their strong love, he realises that he has lost
Nersa. In despair he accepts Uls' advice: since Init is the God of the sea, he can make any wish
131
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
come true. Vadar should change place's with Hareb and become insane himself. This way he
will forget his love. The god Init makes his wish come true. Vadar then becomes a simple
wanderer, while Hareb inherits his brother's fortune. They all celebrate Init and Nersa's
wedding.
Illustration 12: Arnold Bocklin, The Naiads at Play, 1886.
132
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
V. 3 Libretto
i. Sources
The genesis of Oceana's libretto is one of the most curious aspects of the opera, since its plot is
not based on a pre-existing play or real historical event, as was most often the case. In creating
it, as well as in making his first libretto La Falena, Benco's imagination was completely
animated by the elements of the fantastic. In the case of Oceana, at the back of his mind were
the characters from Shakespeare's plays (The Tempest and A Midsummer Night's Dream),
Goethe's verses from Iphigenie aufTauris: "Es fiirchte die Gotter - Das Menschengeschlecht",
and in particular, a painting: Im Spiel der Wellen [In the play of the waves, 1885? Munich,
Neue Pinakothek].4 The sea-picture by Arnold Bocklin provided the atmosphere and the
appearance of the characters who would come to life in Benco's "fantastic comedy" (commedia
fantastica). In fact, the resemblance to the images of Bocklin's painting can be seen in several
of the stage designs as well as on the cover page of the early edition of Oceana's libretto [see
Illustration ll].5
At the turn of the century, literature and visual arts came so close to music that, in some cases,
as with D'Annunzio, the poet felt deep regrets about not being able to compose, because he
needed music for his plays (Tedeschi 1988: 9). In return, the composers desired more from a
literary stimulus; an example can be found in Debussy's reflection on what the ideal librettist
would be like: "One who only states half of what is to be said, and allows me to graft my dream
on to his. One who conceives his characters as out of place and out of time, and who does not
force on me a 'big scene'. One who, here and there, will allow me the freedom to have a little
more art than he - to finish off his work." 6
4
h • • th
A reproduction of this painting can be found in Leon Botstein 1990-1, "Brahms and 19 Century Painting", in 19
CenturyMusic 14/2, p. 164.
5
See Silvio Benco 1901, Oceana, commedia fantastica, Venice: Officine Grafiche L. Ferrari. We learn from a letter
of Benco, written in 1902, that the stage designs and the cover page for the first edition of Oceana's libretto were
drawn by Achille Tamburlini, the Italian painter and sculptor, who was a friend of Smareglia, and in whose house
the composer was a guest while staying in Venice (see Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, p. 13n and p. 27). However, there
are some doubts whether the author of the final stage designs was Tamburlini, since the cover page of the first
edition of the libretto [see the Illustration n. 11 on p. 129] bears the signature of R. Carbonara, while the stage
designs mentioned in the study by Perpich, II teatro musicale, p. 113 and by Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia,
were signed as A. Terzi and Tenzi, respectively. On the basis of these facts we cannot be certain what Tamburlini's
illustrations looked like. For more on Tamburlini see Personalia, Appendix A. Some of the stage designs are
provided later on in this chapter.
Quoted in Richard Langham Smith's article on "Claude Debussy" in The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, vol. 1,
p. 1098.
133
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
It is not certain whether Benco had read Pelleas et Melisande (1892), or had heard the
performance of Debussy's opera (Paris 1902). Nevertheless, behind this symbolist play by
Maurice Maeterlinck, there is a similar example of the influence of visual art on the writer, and
on his conception of the text. As was just mentioned, it was a text which Debussy would
consider as ideal for musical setting. Besides being influenced in his writing by Pre-
Raphaelites, by Shakespeare and by Poe, we learn that Maeterlinck was inspired by painting:
"the haunting figures of Bume-Jones's pallid damsels, their dilated eyes on the verge of tears,
distilling the world's sorrow, were clearly implicated in the genesis of Melisande, and in
Pelleas, as in many images of Bume-Jones, these frail figures exist in an atmosphere where
violence is never far away" (Langham Smith 1989: 4).7
In his chapter on the genesis of Maeterlinck's play, Richard Langham Smith supports his
opinion by quoting Maeterlinck's contemporary, Iwan Gilkin: "[Maeterlinck's] art does not in
any way imitate the art of Burne-Jones, but responds to it and completes it. Or rather, there is a
kind of exchange between these two artists. If Bume-Jones furnished Maeterlinck with the
outward appearance of his characters and the visible atmosphere which envelops them,
Maeterlinck has interrogated these wonderful figures, unveiled their souls, fathomed their
mystery. He has formulated their magic and musical language, expressed in words all the poetic
passions which trouble their hearts, and the lofty and melancholy thoughts which are reflected
in their beautiful faces."8
There exists "a kind of exchange" of a similar nature between the art works of Benco and
Bocklin. It is not clear, even in Benco's own writings, on which occasion he had seen Bocklin's
paintings, but the impression of the painter on Benco was mentioned by Smareglia himself in
the interview prior to Oceana's premiere. Benco also revealed the links: "For me, Oceana
arose from A Midsummer Night's Dream, from Bocklin's painting and from the admirable
chorus "Es furchte die Gotter - das Menschengeschlecht", from Goethe's play Iphigenie [auf
Tauris]." ' Benco had written, in a nonchalant letter to the editor of the Triestine newspaper II
Edward Coley Burne-Jones (1833-1898) was an English painter and decorative artist who came under the influence
of a group of artists, poets and critics known as the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood. He was particularly impressed by
medieval legends, Classical mythology and Italian Primitive painters, and produced art which radiated dreamy
atmospheres (in Margaret Drabble ed. 1985, The Oxford Companion to English Literature, 5th ed., Oxford: Oxford
University Press, p. 148).
8
Quoted in Richard Langham Smith and Rogers Nichols 1989, Claude Debussy: Pelleas et Melisande, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, p. 5.
9
"Per me Oceana e nata dal Sogno d'una notte di mezza estate, dalla pittura di Bocklin, dal mirabile coro
delVlftgenia di Goethe: 'Es furchte die Gotter - Das Menschengeschlecht (Pavanti gli Dei - il genere umano)' ",
Benco, Ricordi, p. 82.
134
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
Nuovo Tergesteo, that, in the second act of Oceana, "there is a nocturnal scene on the seashore:
it is a grotesque fight between the two sea geniuses in the style o/Bocklin..
As far as the second act of Oceana is concerned, Benco's inspiration extended far beyond one
particular Bocklin painting. The whole set of characters in this opera, their mythological names
(Triton, Nereid, Nymph, Naiad) as well as their appearances, were drawn from several pictures
of Bocklin, all belonging to the sea world. More on this aspect will be discussed later in this
chapter. At this point, it seems sensible to find out why Benco was attracted by the art of
Bocklin.
Biographical sources on Arnold Bocklin (1827 - 1901) tell us that he was a Swiss idealist
painter "noted for his mysticism, symbolism and generally poetic approach."" He was known
for spending much of his time observing nature in all her moods, and yet he never painted
directly from it: he peopled nature with creatures of his own imagining. That is why he met
with opposition from critics and why the appreciation of his art came gradually and was
established only in the mid 1880s. His paintings are pure creations of his own fancy, they are
inhabited by nymphs, satyrs or "wonderful imaginary creatures in which he gave symbolical
shape to the spirit of nature."'2 We learn that his work, particularly after 1870, has been
regarded as "either a precursor to or, 'Symbolist' ",13 and has fascinated and greatly affected the
twentieth century surrealists, like Giorgio de Chirico and Salvador Dali (Andree 1971: 8).
Bocklin was of the artists who were "...either associated with or often compared to Johannes
Brahms" (Botstein 1990: 156). In his article "Brahms and nineteenth-century painting",
Botstein looks into Bocklin's themes and his expression, revealing that, for Bocklin, "the object
of painting was 'to touch the eye, without having to explain or describe the effect with words';
to evoke a 'felt impression', like instrumental music, without having to 'render anything
explicit'."'4 In Bocklin's paintings, "Nature is used as a force reciprocal to the figures .... The
use of light and color is neither decorative nor realistic, but suggestive of an inner attitude"
(ibid.: 163-4). What had appealed most to Brahms in Bocklin's art was "the transformation of
nature through painterly vision, ... and the consistent depiction of dynamic sentiment" (ibid.).
Bocklin's pictures, such as the one entitled Island of the Dead (1880; Basle, Kunstmuseum), or
10
"...Nel secondo atto...havvi una scena notturna alia riva del mare: una lotta grotesca fra due genii marini sullo
stile di Bocklin...". The letter (written around 1901-1902) is included in the published collection (Antonio
Smareglia, Lettere, pp. 28-29), while the original is kept in the Civico Museo Teatrale "C. Schmidl" in Trieste.
Bernard S. Myers, ed. 1956, Encyclopedia ofPainting: Painters and Painting of the Worldfrom Prehistoric Times
to the Present. London: Hutchinson, pp. 43-44.
12
George C. Williamson, ed. 1930, Bryan's Dictionary ofPainters and Engravers, vol. 1. London: G. Bell and Sons,
£p. 152-153.
J. Vinston, ed. 1990, International Dictionary ofArt and Artists. Chicago: St. James Press, pp. 84-86.
14 .
Quoted from Botstein, "Brahms and 19 1 Century Painting", p. 163.
135
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
Triton and Nereid (1873-74; Munich, Schackgalerie), suggest scenes which are on the frontiers
between reality and imagination. From the evidence of Benco's writings, and the subjects to
which he was attracted, it seems that Benco was fascinated, similarly to Brahms, with the
"bizarre imaginary worlds" (Clegg 1996: 206) of Bocklin's paintings.
It appears that the "imaginary world" from Bocklin's paintings, and the power of nature
embodied in them were what Benco recognised in Goethe's poem. As was mentioned earlier,
while writing Oceana, he also had in mind Goethe's Iphigenie auf Tauris, the verses: "Es
fiirchte die Gotter - Das Menschengeschlecht!" (In fear of the Gods shall ye dwell, sons of
men!). The two verses in particular belong to the chorus Gesang der Parzen (Song of the fates)
from Goethe's play, and become more significant if we notice that Benco intended to quote
them on the front page of Oceana's libretto." Although it remains uncertain why the quotation
was never included in existing editions of the libretto, it is clear that the theme of the verses
directly relates to the ending of the plot, which Benco possibly wanted to foreshadow. The
whole strophe {In fear of the Gods shall ye dwell, sons ofmen! Sole empire they hold in their
hands everlasting and wield at their pleasure the lightnings of fate) epitomized the
"philosophical idea of the comedy", and communicated Benco's explanation of the opera's
finale: it is the Gods who control the fate over the humans." Even though the old Vadar was the
most positive, goodhearted character throughout the story, his destiny was determined by the
God of the sea.
Another source of inspiration for Oceana was the poetry of William Shakespeare, who was
Benco's favourite writer. It is known that Benco even went on to study English in order to be
able to read his plays.'7 The two plays Benco was particularly interested in at the time of writing
Oceana were A Midsummer Night's Dream (c. 1595) and The Tempest (1611). Since he wanted
to create "teatro fantastico", he concentrated on the supernatural elements of the plays, and in
the music inherent in the poetry.
As was the case with Bocklin's paintings, Benco was attracted to the unusual features in
Shakespeare's plays, including the blending of the human and magical world on stage. The
devices in Oceana, such as presence of the spirits in nature and their interactions with humans,
provide a parallel to the combination of the humans and spirits found in Shakespeare's comedy
See Benco's unpublished letter to the critic Boccardi, p. 137, footnote 10.
16
This chorus was set to music by Brahms in 1882. Gesang der Parzen, for orchestra and six-part chorus, op. 89.
See Jan Swafford 1998, Johannes Brahms: A Biography, New York: A. Knopf, pp. 476 - 478. The translation of the
verses used in this study derives from the vocal score of Brahms's composition (the text translated by Natalie
Macfarren), published in Berlin 1883, by N. Simrock. In a letter written to Smareglia Benco revealed his ideas on the
layout of Oceana, mentioning how the ending of the story could be summarised in Goethe's verses; the letter has
been partially quoted in Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, p. 55.
17
From Benco's own autobiographical article, published in La Voce Libera, 9 March 1949.
136
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
A Midsummer Night's Dream. The fairy-world which Shakespeare set in the woods in A
Midsummer Night's Dream, is placed in the sea in the case of Oceana. Among a number of
details which Benco used in Oceana, the most relevant is the element of comedy. The two sea
geniuses in Oceana, Ers and Uls, who are obedient to their master's commands, have
something in common with Shakespeare's Puck: they are mischievously amusing, they operate
in both worlds, and have in many respects the role of a Cupid." Nevertheless, their characters
are far less defined than Robin's, and are mainly a source for the energetic and grotesque
elements in the drama.
Although Benco mentioned Bocklin's painting when describing parts of act II of Oceana (such
as the quarrel between the two sea geniuses) there are certain details about Shakespeare's The
Tempest which must be mentioned. For example, its poetic language is described as "no less
elusive than the island and its music".'9 The play is seen as "more extreme than anything in
Shakespeare's previous work" because its poetry includes numerous invented compound
words, in order to create the island's dreamlike effect; the words are to work out their meaning
in the reader's mind. ° These features of the play must have fascinated Benco for the same
reasons as Bocklin's art did, since much of the libretto includes intangible scenes which
depended on the listener's imagination to give them a clear meaning; for example, the siren's
song of enchantment or the undine creating a pearl.
There are several parallels with The Tempest in the libretto of Oceana. For example, its second
act is set on the seashore of a distant island; while The Tempest includes the sea-storm which
causes a shipwreck, Oceana's, sea-storm is represented by the siren's song. Both plays
incorporate enchantment by the power of music. There are similarities, perhaps less tangible, in
the roles of the characters. For example, Prospero is a magician and a master, and has two
servants, in that resembling Init, who has Ers and Uls as servants. Miranda, just like Nersa, is a
young woman, occasionally outspoken and willful.
Benco was particularly stimulated by the character of Shakespeare's Ariel. In The Tempest,
Ariel is the invisible sprite who was for a long time imprisoned by the witch Sycorax, until
Prospero, the Duke of Milan, released him. Ariel is also associated with water, as Prospero
sends the fairy, in the course of the play to disguise himself as a nymph. It is interesting to
notice that the moments of the play in which Shakespeare himself demanded music correspond
About Shakespeare's Robin, see the introduction to the play by Peter Holland in William Shakespeare 1994, A
Midsummer Night's Dream, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 35-48.
19
Quoted in the introduction to the play, in William Shakespeare 1999, The Tempest, Virginia Mason Vaughan and
Alden T. Vaugham, eds, The Arden Shakespeare, 3rd Series, Walton-on-Thames: Thomas Nelson and Sons, pp. 20-
21.
20
Ibid., p. 22.
137
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
with Ariel's role and its acts of enchantment."' He always enters invisible, playing and singing,
as for example in act I, scene II, when Ariel sings to Ferdinand "Come unto these yellow
sands" (Vaughan 1999: 177) Sternfeld calls this music the "magic music", because of the
power it has over people, inducing them to sleep, for example. Similarly in Oceana, Benco
invented a whole series of spirits who exercise magic power and do so with "magic music". For
example, in act II an undine, through her dancing, creates a precious pearl; the sirens singing
provokes the stillness of the air and the sea, enchanting the sailors; the sea genius, Uls,
magically saves Vadar's boat from sinking. The musical examples that occur in conjunction
with these episodes will be discussed in section V. 4 of this chapter.
Since there are many similarities found between this opera and paintings, we will mention
again Bocklin and Benco. Both artists had two inexhaustible sources of inspiration in their
work: nature and imagination. In his first text for opera, Falena (1895), the writer created a
spirit of the night: it was the nightmare (existing only in a dream) which dominated the drama. "
In the case of Oceana, Benco set his eyes on the sea. In his essay on this opera, which was
supposed to introduce Oceana to the listener, Benco emphasised the straightforward nature of
the libretto (without literary or symbolic overtones) and explained how the text was conceived
only as text to be set to music.23 And yet, as it will be discussed shortly, there is more to his
account on Oceana than appears. Before investigating this libretto any further, at this point let
us amplify a little on Benco's career at the time of Oceana.
ii. Benco's career around 1897
In 1898, Benco was still employed as a journalist for the Triestine newspaper L'Indipendente.
While his articles concerned a wide range of topics (from political issues to an arts and theatre
column), much of his time he dedicated to writing poetry and novels. From the very beginning,
his early works, written in the 1890s, were regarded as having a "conquering oddity" and as
containing ideas which reminded reader of "Maurice Maeterlinck's bizarre and atmospheric
See F. V. Sternfeld 1980, "Music in Shakespeare's plays", in The New Grove Dictionary ofMusic and Musicians,
s. v. "William Shakespeare", vol. 17, pp. 214-218.
22
It is interesting to note that there is Bocklin's picture entitled Silence of the Forest (or Horror ofSolitude) (1885).
Although we are not certain if Benco has seen this painting before writing the libretto of Falena, this is the
description of the picture: "The strong evocative power of the unicorn striding out from the darkness of the forest,
and the enigmatic figure of the woman riding the unicorn...", from Rolf Andree 1971, Introduction to Arnold Bocklin
1827 - 1901, an exhibition organized by the Arts Councils of Great Britain and Pro Helvetia Foundation of
Switzerland, London Hayward Gallery 20 May - 27 June, p. 33.
23
Benco's comment is quoted in section V. 4. i.
138
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
• *24
conceptions"." The two novels he was working on during that period were II castello dei
desideri (conceived in 1894, published in 1906), and La fiamma fredda (1900). Their
distinctive atmosphere reveals Benco's sensitivity to the Symbolists, to the period of
Decadence, and in particularly to the works of its leading exponent in Italy, Gabriele
D'Annunzio. The similarity to the writings of D'Annunzio is alluded to even in the titles which
Benco had given to these two novels; abstract and unconventional, they resemble the poet's II
fuoco (1900), II trionfo della morte (1894) or La citta morta (1896). Still, the two writers
actually met and became friends only in 1902.25
Although Benco's response to the literature of the turn of the century is discussed in Chapter
III, it is worth emphasising that the books which he was reading at the time had affected all his
writings, including his libretti."6 The subjects he was reflecting on regarded the subconscious,
destructive forces of nature, and the world of dreams. The obscure themes he had chosen for
the two texts for music written by 1898, Falena and Oceana, were one of the reasons why he
was immediately attacked by the press following the operas' premieres. In both cases, Benco
ended up in the position of having to defend them: an example is his article, "Le origini della
Falena", published in 1899, prior to the opera's first performance in Trieste." In the case of
Oceana, he was more careful and published an essay prior to its first performance, explaining
his and Smareglia's intentions.28
Although Benco made an effort to introduce his two texts for music, the hostile party of the
critics was not even nearly convinced. Some of their commentaries, for example, judged his
libretti to lack "national character", to be "non-inspirational" and most curiously, to not even be
conceived for musical theatre because the "picturesque and poetic elements surpass the
The following commentaries, such as "conquidente stranezza" and the quotation "...un richiamo alle concezioni
cosi bizzarre e suggestive di Maurizio Maeterlinck...", regarded the libretto of Falena-, see Chapter IV. Both are
taken from the article written by Alberto Boccardi in La Perseveranza, one day prior to the premiere of Falena in
Venice in 1897. The article is quoted in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 181-184.
Benco and D'Annunzio met in Trieste in 1902 when the poet accompanied the actress Eleonora Duse while she
was performing his plays. Their friendship developed after the time they spent together on the tour around the towns
of Istria which was organised in D'Annunzio's honour and by the editorial press of the journal II Piccolo. Benco also
dedicated his novel II castello dei desideri to the poet, while D'Annunzio became personally involved in helping
Benco with the publishing of La fiamma fredda. See several of D'Annunzio's letters to Emilio Treves, in Gabriele
D'Annunzio, Lettere ai Treves, pp. 236-237 and p. 241. There are letters (sent by D'Annunzio to Benco) kept in the
archives of the Biblioteca Civica "A. Hortis" in Trieste, which confirm their close friendship.
26
The information about Benco reading "Rossetti, Wilde, Kipling and modern English literature" is mentioned in
Benco's autobiography, see Chapter III.
27
See Chapter IV.
28
It is not clear when exactly Benco had written this article, but it seems reasonable to believe that this occurred just
before the premiere of the opera. The intention was to introduce this new work to the audience, and perhaps avoid
not being understood; in this the artists hardly succeeded.
139
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
dramatic"."9 According to Vito Levi, some aversion was felt because the libretti were too
unusual:
...[CJoncepiti con dei criteri estranei alia librettistica contemporanea ligia al verismo, e sopratutto
perche si presentavano con delle idee audaci e, talvolta, come poi s'e visto, precorritrici. Piaccero
subito peraltro a degli spiriti colti e non prevenuti (come il Boito che per Benco librettista professo
sempre una stima sincera). In sostanza, nei suoi testi per il teatro smaregliano Benco concepisce il
dramma come uno scatenamento delle forze oscure che sono in noi e che di noi hanno ragione: il che
avviene tanto nella Falena e nell'Abisso, il suo libretto piu robusto, quanto nella commedia Oceana,
dove, alquanto alleggerite, quelle forze operano benignamente senza tuttavia poter rinunciare del
tutto alia loro vittima. [Levi, in La Voce libera, 8 April 1949]
[...[Benco's libretti] were conceived using criteria which did not belong to the contemporary libretto
writing, which was faithful to verismo. Most of all, [the aversion arose because] his libretti presented
ideas which were bold, and at times, as it was proved later, prophetic. His libretti were immediately
liked by cultured and non prejudiced people (like Boito who always professed a sincere admiration
for Benco as a librettist). Essentially, in his texts for Smareglia's theatre, Benco conceived the drama
as the release of the obscure forces which reside in us and which overcome our resistance: this
occurs as much in Falena and in Abisso, his most robust libretto, as in the comedy Oceana, where,
considerably lighter, these forces operate kindly, without completely renouncing their victims.]
What was unusual about Benco's texts, besides their fantastic content, was their quest for
music. In fact, Benco would often go as far as making suggestions as to how the music might
be composed; as in Falena, "I allowed ... the gaps which were capable of containing the vast,
continuous stream of symphonism: I tried to arrange, one after another, great pictures which are
dominated by a single sentiment".30 When in 1906, D'Annunzio similarly approached Puccini
while writing the libretto for him, his suggestions about music, as Tedeschi wittily commented,
"terrorised the composer".31 The event ended their collaboration for the time and made
D'Annunzio say that their contacts were "sterile" and that Puccini was "appalled by the power
of Poetry" (Tedeschi 1988: 48).
29
" ...Essa non e concepita dal punto di vista del teatro musicale, e l'elemento pittorico e quello poetico soverchiano
quello drammatico"; from the article published in II Tempo, 21 January 1903. Other articles on this opera are quoted
from the book of Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 205-41.
30
"Ho lasciato ... lacune capaci di accogliere l'ampio getto dell'ondata sinfonica: ho cercato far seguir l'uno all'altro
grandi quadri dominati da un sentimento...", from "Le origini della Falena", published in Mario Smareglia, Antonio
Smareglia, pp. 176-181. See also the discussion in Chapter IV. 4.
31
Italics are my own. The libretto D'Annunzio was writing at the time was Rosa di Ciprio. It later became La
Pisanelle, ou la mort parfumee, the drama for which Pizzetti was to write incidental music in 1913, see Tedeschi,
D'Annunzio e la musica, pp. 47-48.
140
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
This step of imagining the kind of music the composer might write indicates the strong
inclination which D'Annunzio and Benco felt towards music. Both authors, and D'Annunzio in
particular, gave to music a primary role in their novels: either the protagonists were musicians
themselves (as in Le vergini delle rocce, 1895 and II fuoco, 1900), or they were listening to or
discussing music with each other (in II trionfo della morte, 1894), or they got seduced by the
spell which music would create while listening to it (as in II piacere, 1889, and all the above
mentioned). It is curious to note that the element of music was what the respected art critic of
D'Annunzio's poetry, Angelo Conti, concentrated on, when writing about the style of
D'Annunzio's poetry.32 An example of how the two writers felt about music and of the endless
power which they attributed to it in their work can be seen in the two following paragraphs.
Their thoughts come close to the writings of E. T. A. Hoffmann and his description of "the
sounding bridge of music which joins the present world with the hereafter".33
D'Annunzio:
Soltanto alia musica e oggi dato esprimere i sogni che nascono nelle profondita della malinconia
moderna, i pensieri indefiniti, i desideri senza limiti, le ansie senza causa, le disperazioni
inconsolabili, tutti i turbamenti piu oscuri e piu angosciosi .... [D'Annunzio, in Tedeschi,
D'Annunzio e la musica, p. 208]
[Only music nowadays can express the dreams which emerge from the depths of modern
melancholy, the indefinite thoughts, the unlimited desires, the irrational anxieties, the inconsolable
desperations, all the most obscure and agonising perturbations....]
Benco:
La musica e una specie di ponte gettato fra l'estrema realta dell'esistenza e il principio del sogno. E
come misura della grandezza interiore e presa la tensione della nostalgia che agli artisti sommi
consente di attingere quel sogno, ai meno grandi di avvicinarlo solamente. [Benco, in the article by
Levi, La Voce Libera, 8 April 1949]
[Music is a kind of bridge thrown between the ultimate reality of existence and the beginning of
dream. The tension of nostalgia is taken as a measure of the greatness of man's inner self: it allows
the supreme artists to grasp that dream, and the weaker only to draw near it.]
Mutterle, Gabriele D'Annunzio, p. 219. For more about dannunzian poetry and Angelo Conti, see ibid pp. 219-
220. Conti was also known to have fervently supported D'Annunzio and his "teatro di poesia", see Barsotti, " 'II
teatro di poesia' ".
33
From one of E. T. A. Hoffmann's Romantic tales, quoted in Peter Franklin 1991, Mahler: Symphony n. 3,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 11
141
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
It seems that the space conferred on music in Benco's texts was what appealed to Smareglia
most, because following their collaboration with La Falena, the composer insisted on Benco
providing his next libretto:
Egli vedeva in me un inventore di "situazioni musicali" che davano largo respiro alia sua fantasia.
...fu guidato quasi da un instinto a cercare in queste situazioni una sicura fertile terra per la gagliarda
immaginazione sinfonica che sentiva salda in se quando piu la perdita della vista lo imbarazzava in
altre esigenze dell'opera teatrale. [Benco, Ricordi, p. 82]
[He saw in me an inventor of "musical situations" which opened a wide breathing-space for his
fantasy.... He was guided, almost by instinct, to search in these situations a safe, fertile soil for his
strong symphonic imagination. This imagination was even stronger since the loss of sight hampered
him in other theatrical demands.]
As Vito Levi pointed out, Benco had the ability to recognise the composer's needs by
"...creating plots in which the symphonic structure could develop fully and stir up a long echo
around the action on the stage".34 The poet's concern with the musical atmosphere of Oceana,
assimilated with his own beliefs on music, brought him close to the Symbolists. His aim was
shared by other writers. See, for example, the following commentary on Oscar Wilde's drama
Salome, which pointed out "the musical form" of the play:
Again and again it seems to one that in reading one is listening: listening not to the author, not to the
direct unfolding of the plot, but to the tones of different instruments, suggesting, suggesting, always
indirectly, till one feels that by shutting one's eyes one can best catch the suggestion. [Schmidgall,
Literature as Opera, p. 250]
It seems reasonable to believe that Smareglia could only respond to these type of images
provided to him by Benco, since he was completely blind when composing Oceana. His need
for a suggestive and evocative text led to the creation of "teatro di poesia".
Hi. "Teatro dipoesia"
"Teatro di poesia" is an expression which came closest to describing the type of operatic
theatre that Benco and Smareglia wished to write. As mentioned earlier, the term did not come
from the composer or the librettist themselves. It was used in the texts which investigated
34
Levi's comment is as follows: "Benco seppe svegliare nel maestro delle facoM inventive rimaste ancora latenti,
costruendogli dei drammi ove il respiro sinfonico potesse svolgersi diffusamente, cost da suscitare una lunga eco
intorno alia vicenda della scena", see Levi, in La Voce Libera, 8 April 1949.
142
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
libretto writing at the turn of the 19th and 20th century, and in particular when Gabriele
D'Annunzio, one of the most important poets of the time in Italy, became involved in it."
There are occasional references in Benco's writings which explain how he created the libretti.
He spoke openly about his more poetic than dramatic approach to the task, and such accounts
have led critics to try to capture the poetic element and describe it accordingly. For example, as
early as in his first text for music, La Falena, Benco explained that he had a "conception of the
theatre which would have in itself a musical soul".36 He went on further, suggesting the
musicality of his idea (Falena - as a symbol of the night), which would provide "...almost the
elements of a kind of dramatic dance".37 It was the critic Agostino Cameroni who, in his review
following Oceana's premiere, recognised the nature of the opera:
...[M]a chi l'ha mai sognato che Oceana fosse un'azione nel comune senso della parola...? Non si e
predicato ... che questo libretto del Benco non era che una poetica fantasia? Non fu ieri sera stessa
da tutti riconosciuto che questa fantasia offre eccitamento di suggestione intensa per il musicista?38
[Cameroni, in Lega Lombarda, 23 January 1903]
[Who has ever dreamt that Oceana was a story in the common sense of the word...? Was it not
maintained ... that Benco's libretto was only a poetic fantasy? Was it not last night recognised by
everyone that this fantasy provides an intensely suggestive stimulus for the composer?]
Finding such expressions as "poetica fantasia", or "pure sfere della poesia" in the early articles
on Oceana helps us understand why the more recent reviewers write about it as "teatro di
poesia"T Although it is not clear when or by whom it was first used of the Benco-Smareglia
works, this phrase can be found in the introduction to the collection of musical writings of
Benco, written by Gianni Gori and Isabella Gallo, with an introductory essay by Gianandrea
Gavazzeni.40 Soon after Benco's Scritti musicali were published, the term was adopted further
in the critical reviews, such as those by Fedele D'Amico. D'Amico's opinion can be quoted as
an example, as it emphasised that it was this "poetic theatre" which was to direct the composer
towards a new musical form:
See discussion in Chapter I. 2.
36
"...Quella concezione di teatro che gia avesse in se stessa un'anima musicale...", in "Le origini della Falena". See
also Chapter IV. 4.
37
"...[Q]uasi elementi d'una sorta di dramatica danza", in ibid.
38
The review by Agostino Cameroni must have appeared in Lega Lombarda on 23 January 1903. It is quoted in
Mario Smareglia 1934, pp. 219-225, but with an ambiguous indication as being from L' llustrazione Italiana because,
in the article by Gaetano Boldrini (in ibid., pp. 230-233) the author mentioned Cameroni' article being written for
Lega Lombarda.
39
The quotations are by G. B. Nappi, ibid., p. 225.
40
See Benco, Scritti musicali.
143
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
[N]ella sua estetizzante e dannunzianeggiante ambizione al teatro di poesia lo scrittore avviera il
compositore a soddisfare le aspirazioni culturalistiche che Boito va reclamizzando, e che ai veristi
41
sono estranee... .
[In his ambition towards poetic theatre, an ambition comprising both aestheticism and
dannunzianism, the writer will direct the composer to fulfdl those cultural aspirations which Boito is
campaigning for and which are not shared by veristi.]
In the previously mentioned introduction to Scritti musicali, the authors used this expression
just as it had been used some seventy years earlier: either in describing the nature of the poet's
libretti, or in stressing that "teatro di poesia" was what the artists wished to create.
A similar expression was used in an article which offered a viewpoint on the changes in libretto
writing at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century. The author, Adriana Guarnieri
Corazzol, discussed text for music as "libretto di poesia". According to Corazzol, the difference
between the traditional libretto and libretto di poesia was its literary form: the second was more
complex because the role of the poetic verse was more intellectual and evocative. Such libretti
were perhaps less popular ("impopolari o senza mercato") but were regarded as new, and more
original. It was among these more original solutions that the author mentioned Benco, finding
an example of "versi liberi per musica" in Benco's Falena (1895).42 In an earlier article,
Corazzol noted the elements of the poetic in Illica's libretto Iris (Rome 1898) which was set to
music by Mascagni. It is noteworthy that the author reached for a word such as 'poetic' in order
to discuss Illica's stage directions: they are descriptive, symphonic, more evocative and
symbolic than stage directions would normally be, commenting verbally on how the music
should be composed/3
We return to the idea of a "poetic theatre". As was mentioned earlier, the Italian writer whose
work most relates to "teatro di poesia" is Gabriele D'Annunzio.44 His close involvement with
the operatic theatre developed when several of his plays were chosen as settings for libretti,
starting with La figlia di Iorio, set to music by Franchetti (Milan 1906).45 However, the
influence D'Annunzio exerted on musical theatre and literature reaches back before 1906. The
D'Amico, "Nelle braccia di D'Annunzio", in L'Espresso, 30 March 1975.
42
Corazzol, "Scrittori-Librettisti e Librettisti-Scrittori tra Scapigliatura e Decadence (Ghislanzoni, Praga, Fontana,
Leoncavallo)". See also Chapter IV, section IV. 4. iii.
43
Corazzol 1993, " 'Fatte un chiasso da demoni colle palme e coi talloni!': la disgregazione dei livelli di cultura
nell'Opera italiana tra Ottocento e Novecento", in Opera and libretto II, Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore, p. 398.
44
See the discussion in Chapter I. 2. Tedeschi also discusses "teatro di poesia", in Tedeschi, D'Annunzio e la
musica, p. 23.
45
An overview of the repertory of new Italian operas written up to the First World War is provided in Chapter VI,
also Appendix C, Time line 3 and 4.
144
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
poet's effort to create "an ideal book of modern prose" was mentioned in Chapter IV. The
novel II trionfo della morte written in 1894 consisted of what he described as a "plastic and
symphonic prose, rich in imagery and music". A similar concept, in the field of theatre, was
D'Annunzio's longing to invent a "new modern tragedy". Although a more detailed discussion
of his influence and of the poet's theatrical works goes beyond the space and aim of this
research, it is relevant to point out that in the period from 1897 to 1914 D'Annunzio wrote
fifteen plays which he "aptly defined as 'tragedies, mysteries, dreams'", many of which ended
up being set to music (Pontiero 1982: 16)."6 Furthermore, it was noticed that the elements of his
concept for a "poetic theatre", for example the evocative and musical language, the episodic
unfolding of the drama, the indulgence in details and, in particular, narrative (instead of merely
functional) stage directions, were also inherent in his prose works. A particularly curious case
is his novel II fuoco (1900), whose language Tedeschi described as being so poetic that all it
lacked was "to be broken up into free verse" (spezzatura del verso libero) (Tedeschi 1988:
24).47
A kind of "poetic theatre" even formed part of D'Annunzio's novel, II fuoco (1900). The plot,
largely autobiographical, is set in Venice and deals with the love between the protagonists, the
actress Foscarina and Stelio, who is a poet and a musician.48 Within the story there is a sub plot:
Stelio's longing for the creation of a "new musical Latin theatre", for which he would write the
text, while the singer Donatella (with whom he is in love) would perform the vocal part. He
senses that the only possible "new art" is the one which involves music; as in Greek tragedy, it
would unite poetry, sound and dance.49 The fact that the protagonist bears in himself this
"poema sonoro" (Tedeschi 1988: 24) and that he would be the author of both music and the text
for this type of drama reveals the similarity to the creations of Richard Wagner. In fact, as
Tedeschi pointed out, II fuoco is a novel in which the poet "identified himself with the German
composer", primarily to supersede him. In other words, the revival of the Latin theatre was
conceived in opposition to German theatre.50 The "poema sonoro" or the "poetic theatre" was
conceived by the protagonists as the kind of " 'tragedy' destined to find 'its perfect balance
between the two forces which ... animate it, between the power of the stage and the power of
the orchestra' ". Tedeschi further described the effect of such work, noting that above the dense
46
The period corresponds to the time during which Falena, Oceana and Abisso were written and staged.
47
The author Barsotti also points out the example of 11 fuoco as being 'essentially work of poetry', see Barsotti, "II
'teatro di poesia' ", p. 23.
48
II fuoco is seen by many scholars as the novel "romanzo-diario", in which the poet portrayed his relationship with
Eleonora Duse (in the play recognised as Foscarina). See Tedeschi, D'Annunzio e la musica, p. 23.
49
See also Mutterle, Gabriele D'Annunzio, p. 84.
50
Wagner's presence is seen everywhere in the book. Besides the fact that in the novel Stelio meets the composer,
and is one of the people who carries Wagner's coffin upon the composer's death, there are numerous discussions in
the course of the story which revolve around Wagner's ideas of reuniting all the arts. For more on D'Annunzio and
his attitude towards Wagner's art see Tedeschi, D'Annunzio e la musica.
145
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
orchestral flow the voices would rise " 'from the symphonies in order to resolve in the end into
the movements of dance, between one episode to another' ",51 What comes through from this
description, is the important part music plays in his theatrical works. The same is true in the
writings of Benco and particularly in his libretto for Oceana.
V. 4 The music of Oceana
i) Tone poetry
The poetic idea was really the formative element.... [Strauss, on his Aus Italien op. 16]
In discussing the music of Oceana, it seems most appropriate to start with the element of the
poetic, as the opera is pervaded by atmospheric tone painting. The need for atmospheric
painting, initially created by the libretto, stimulated the abundance of orchestral music, the
result being what Gabriel Faure had said about Salome: "a symphonic poem with voices on
top".5" The ^Mast-mythological marine setting was carefully chosen by Benco and Smareglia
since they firmly believed that the element of the fantastic could be best evoked by music.53
Furthermore, with this opera, both the librettist and the composer were crystal clear about their
ambition. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, it is Benco's commentary to the opera that
explains their intentions:
Noi vogliamo presentarci con quadri di paesaggio scenico e di musica sui quali scorra un'azione di
esseri fluidi, leggeri, impregnati di una poesia che tolga loro alquanto della imponderabilita delle
creature terrene, di modo che tutto sia come un riverbero lontano della vita e di un'impressione
continua di fantasmagoria in un soggiorno di pura musica. Percio dato il concetto di musicalita
intima che e la sua sola ragione di essere, s'avrebbe torto di considerare il libretto di Oceana come
un'opera estranea alia sua musica. Esso e fatto coll'intento preciso che portato sul teatro, se ne
svolga una grande e continua sinfonia.54
[We want to present our work with these pictures of scenic landscapes and music on which flows a
drama of light, fluid beings, impregnated with a kind of poetry which removes from them a fair
amount of the imponderability of earthly creatures, in order to make everything seem like a distant
"...[D]alle sinfonie per risolversi alia fine in figure di danza, tra l'uno e l'altro episodio", Tedeschi, D'Annunzio e
la musica, p. 24.
52
From Jean - Michel Nectoux 1991, Gabriel Faure: a Musical Life, trans, by Roger Nichols, Cambridge University
Press, pp. 314-315.
The complete quotation of Smareglia's comment is as following: "...II fantastico e stato scelto pensando che in
questo elemento, meglio che in alcun altro, la arte musicale puo raggiungere il massimo dello sviluppo e la massima
importanza", from the interview with Smareglia, published in Cronache Musicali e Drammatiche, Rome 8 October
1902.
54
From II Corriere della Sera [?] Milan 23 January, 1903, [n. a.].
146
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
echo of life and of a continuous impression of phantasmagoria in a realm of pure music. And so,
since the concept of intimate musicality is its only raison d'etre, it would be wrong to consider the
libretto of Oceana independently of its music. It is conceived with the precise intention that, when it
is brought to the theatre, it would unfold in a grand, continuous symphonic music.]
The key words in this passage are "pictures of landscapes and music" which Benco used to
begin to describe their work, as if the opera was about the presenting of pictures on stage, set to
music. It appears that the quoted part of Benco's text could have been written as a description
of a painting. In fact, both Smareglia and he often referred to Oceana as his own "fresco"
(affresco), "painting or canvas" (tela). Again, one is reminded of the visual stimulus: at the
back of Benco's mind was not one but a whole parade of Bocklin's pictures, his Meeresbilder,"
of which the following notably resemble the scenes in Oceana: The Naiads at play (1886, Basel
Offentliche Kunstsammlung) [see Illustration n. 12, p. 132], Calm sea (1887, Bern
Kunstmuseum), Triton and Nereid (1875, composition study, Darmstadt Hessisches
Landesmuseum), and The play of the waves (1883, Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen
Miinchen).56 There is a particularly close resemblance between the painting Faun, eine
schlafende Nymphe belauschend (Faun, listening to the sleeping Nymph, 1885, New York,
private collection ) and the scene at the beginning of act II in which the sea geniuses, Ers and
Uls, gaze at the young girl Nersa while she is asleep. This image was extended in Smareglia's
music as canzone alia dormente, a lullaby sang by the old sea genius Uls to the sleeping Nersa
at the start of act II.
Animated in Benco's verses, such picturesque bases influenced the composer's imagination,
and were bound to determine the musical form. The second act is a particularly good example.
It is in the second act that Benco provides most space for what he called "pure music" (musica
pura). The setting of act II (nightfall on the seashore) resulted in a series of musical images
such as the sea nocturne, the arrival of the tritons, the lullaby, the dance of the waves and
others. It is no surprise that Smareglia had, while still writing the opera, assembled these
episodes and arranged them as the movements for a suite; these came to be known as notturno
marino, arrivo dei tritoni, canzone alia dormente, and danza delle ondine." Several sections
From Andrea Linnenbach, Arnold Bocklin und die antike. Mythos - Geschichte - Gegenwart. Munchen: Hurmer
Verlag. It is not certain if Benco had actually seen all of these paintings.
56
A more detailed investigation of Bocklin's art work has revealed a remarkable similarity of the characters or
scenes from his pictures with the images in Benco's Oceana. Besides those already mentioned, there are more of
BQcklin's paintings which could also have inspired Benco. These paintings are: Breakers on the shore (1879), Triton
blowing on a conch (1881), Ruins on the shore (1880) and the images of Edge of the forest with Centaur and Nymph
(1856?) and Pan and Syrinx (1897).
57
The reasons why Smareglia came to write an orchestral suite out of this opera are discussed in Chapter II.
147
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
from this act will be looked at closely, as they explain why there is so much music in the opera,
and because they are exemplary for Smareglia's "teatro di poesia".
(Dall 'lllustrazione Italiana) Disegno di A. Tenz
Illustration 13: Oceana, act II, Nersa at the beach (the encounter with Init), from L'lllustrazione
Italiana, 1903, included in Mario Smareglia's book.
148
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
Example V A: Sea nocturne [see Appendix E. 1]
The description of a "sea nocturne", often given to the opening prelude to act II, at times also to
the whole second act (Perpich 1990: 135), captures the mood which Smareglia's music evokes.
The stimulus to his imagination came from Benco's introductory stage settings, which in
summary are as following:
nightfall on the beach, illuminated by the moonlight; waves rolling to and from the sandy beach, where,
in a corner, resting on a pillow of seaweed, Nersa is asleep; from the sea, amongst the waves, the two
sea geniuses emerge.
This image of the moonlit night has been anticipated at the end of act I, when the chorus of
peasants, along with Hareb, comment about the mysteries of a night at sea. That finale is a large
scene, which involves a full-scale orchestra and two choirs; the voices, at times, are further
subdivided, while one chorus is placed off-stage. The orchestral texture is rich with thematic
development, at first arabesque-like, and interwoven among the instruments and the voices. We
can notice Smareglia's preference for using sustained harmonies as a basis for decoration with
appoggiaturas and passing notes [v. s. p. 99-100] or, his use of slow moving chords animated
by arpeggio patterns, tremolos, and sudden modulation: for example the sequence of dominant
seventh chords from A to E flat and then to D flat [v. s. p. 102/2/2- 103/1/1, and through to p.
110].
In the prelude to act II, the picture that has been established is developed further. The composer
retains the pedal chords but moves them a semitone higher: the tonal contrast of Aflat (act I) to
A major (act II) reinforces the passage from the human and the marine world. The musical
texture begins dark, as the lower strings, together with bass clarinet and bassoon, employ the
discreet tremolo on the pedal notes of the tonic chord [see v. s. p. 113]. There is a harmonic
stasis for the next thirty bars, above which we hear the motif of tritons' horns, while violas,
followed by violins, continuously wind their figures, adding more movement to the tonic
opening.
Once all the other brass and woodwind instruments have been assembled, we are introduced to
the two new themes [v. s. p. 113/4/3-114/7/3; see also Thematic guide, p. 157, n. 12 and 12a].
Their descending lyrical melody is set in an irregular rhythmic movement, adopting a
meditative character in both of them. It is noticeable that these themes appear several times;
their varied repetitions (played either by solo clarinet, oboe, flute or the three of them together)
fix these melodies in our mind. Particularly subtle is the change of harmonic colour in one of
them (theme 12a): there is a succession of seventh chords which move fluidly from the
dominant pedal on E towards the dominant on A, never resolving in a clear tonality [v. s.
149
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
p. 114/4/3-114/7/3]. Besides reinforcing the established poetic atmosphere, these themes acquire
the association with the beach, as the composer plays them later on in the act: theme n. 12a
when Init first sees Nersa asleep on the seashore, and theme n. 12 when Nersa leaves the beach
at the end of act II.58
Dae pertonaggi drlfopera
"Oe<-a»«" in diaegni tratti da
una riTtata dellVpoca.
Illustration 14: Ers and Uls, stage design from 1903, included in Mario Smareglia's book.
Example V B: Undines' dance [see Appendix E. 2]
The factor which possibly explains why Benco wrote a libretto which was so undramatic is his
concern for the movement on stage rather than for the unfolding of the drama. He explained
that what he is looking for is the "movement of fluid beings" which flows "above the pictures
of landscape and music". As long as these pictorial scenes give "an impulse to the vast pictures
of symphonic music", their work is done. When looking at the scenes in the libretto such as the
"dance of the waves", it is obvious that it was designed not so much to intensify the drama as to
inspire more poetic depth in the music, which is exactly what Smareglia achieved.
See also discussion on p. 163.
150
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
The moment when the nymphs are about to dance in order to create a pearl follows the long
awaited encounter of Init and Nersa, who has by now been renamed Oceana. The dance,
designed to enhance the joyful atmosphere, is based on a theme of a very distinctive rhythm
with an accentuated first beat (three semiquavers), followed by short and detached quavers on
the remaining three beats of the bar [see Example V B, Theme 1]:
Example V B: Undines' dance
Theme 1
-f- m p
V J * ..
Theme 2
>—
r r r r
l,K—y
T=f [=»r
ip—- r f r
lii" 1
r 7 rjr 1
J, ^ f.
"f— r-—^ u
f"——f 4
m
The consistent repetition of this particular rhythmic figure in the theme, and its decorative and
chromatic melody are accompanied by the pedal notes (perfect fifth) in the natural A minor
key. These qualities give to the theme, which is played by the woodwinds (flute, clarinet and
sometimes oboe), something of an 'oriental' temper, very possibly to allude to the opera's
Syrian ambience.
The dance includes two main sections which are repeated, forming a single movement of four
parts, played without a break. The two sections differ in mood and pace: while the second
section [v. s. p. 168/4/1- 172/2/1] is slightly slower in pace, and more lyrical, the first section
[v. s. p. 164/2/3 - 168/3/2] is rhythmically dynamic and is given colorful orchestration in which
the groups of instruments interact with the whole ensemble (as do the strings for example, v. s.
p. 164/5/2-165/1/4). Two themes can be identified in the dance, and are both introduced in the
first section. The second theme [see Example V B, Theme 2], although endowed with vigour
is in contrasting mood to the first, and evolves in the violins, with some evocative touches
resembling the 'Hungarian' dances of Brahms [v. s. 166/2/1 - 4], The composer develops the
thematic material in several ways, for example by using fragments of the main theme, while
gradually assembling the second theme in its full form or by transforming some fractions of the
main theme [changing the motion of the theme's short, detached quavers v. s. p. 166/1/2].
151
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
Another effective sonority is achieved in the superimposition of the two main themes [for
example v. s. p. 166/4/3 - 167/3/1]."
Example V C: The sea spell [see Appendix E. 3]
The perception that Smareglia's Oceana is "basically untheatrical" (Budden 1987: 330) and
that the "picturesque and poetic surpass the elements of dramatic",60 embodies another
particular aspect of Oceana which is easily underestimated, and which one might describe as
'latent dramaturgy'. In spite of the later criticism about the opera lacking dramatic strength, and
being over-abundant with music, the fact remains that the intention of Benco was to supply the
composer with the kind of opportunities which would most inspire his gifts, one of which is
Smareglia's ability as the sinfonista or pittore (G. B. Nappi). The settings provided by the
libretto, besides being picturesque, were vivid and had their own inner tale which was to be
awakened by music. Perhaps the dramatic elements in them were not so intense but through
music, these images and their characters came alive.
A good example is the scene of the sea spell. The episode follows a moment in the plot, half
way through the second act, in which the inhabitants of the sea world are disturbed by the
arrival of the humans. Nersa recognises that it is Vadar's boat approaching them from the
distance. While all the sea creatures are panicking to be seen by the humans, the God of the sea,
Init, is particularly upset by the possibility of losing his new future bride. He cannot let her go,
and is wondering what to do in order to stop her leaving. One of the sea geniuses, Ers, suggests
to him that he should order the sirens to sing; the magic of their song will trouble the sailors'
souls, becalm the sea and sink the boat. Although Init finds this idea rather cruel, there is no
time to think about it. He gives an order to the sirens to sing Vincantesimo (the spell). Suddenly
all becomes quiet, and the sea surface still. Gradually, the soft voices are heard arising from the
depths of the ocean. The boat, after a few moments, stops sailing.
At this point of the plot there was the opportunity to insert a violent sea tempest which would
involve a turbulent shipwreck. However, Benco chose to have more gentle activity on stage and
express the tumultuous sea through powerful music, the sea spell sung by the mermaids. Again,
as in Bocklin's pictures, The play of the waves and The Naiads at play, he adds more
movement to the stage: the characters jump into the waves, agitating the surface of the sea.
59
There are several dance scenes which can be found in Smareglia's operas. The most famous, at times still
performed nowadays, are the "Hungarian dances" (Danze Ungheresi) from his opera 11 Vassallo di Szigeth (Vienna
1889).
60
Cf. footnote 29 on pp. 139-140.
152
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
Benco's stage directions, just before the scene of the sea spell, were as follows:
great silence rests for a moment above the water; gradually sweet and wicked voices rise from the
waves, at times louder at others feebly; Nersa, kneeling down, listens to them, terrified; the boat
advances a few steps, then stops.
When the sirens' voices start to emerge from the sea, the intensity of the alarming event which
is about to happen to the boat is felt in the atmosphere. We can sense that something dramatic
is about to happen, but Benco's means of directing it are light: instead of provoking a sea
storm, he creates a 'song of enchantment'.
Smareglia gives this scene the character of an orchestral interlude with the voices heard off
stage. The music concentrates entirely on interweaving all of the sea motifs [see Thematic
guide, p. 155-157 n. 5, 8, 9,10] which up to this point of the plot, appear only sporadically.
What distinguishes the texture of this scene from the previous one, besides the new motivic
material, is its slower pace and particularly effective harmonic language. At the beginning the
music shifts from Bflat to the key of F; Smareglia again uses sustained harmonies, decorating
them temporarily with chromatically altered chords, or at times with a group of appoggiaturas,
which then dissolve in more consonant chords [v. s. p. 189 b. 11-12, 16-18; p. 190 b. 4-5; p.
191 b. 2, 5, 6]. The brief orchestral introduction [v. s. p. 189/2/1-190/1/3] unfolds the sea
motifs (n. 8 and n. 9), and gradually condenses the texture with more movement; motif n. 8 for
example, is affected by the rhythmic changes from 4/4, 6/4 to 9/8. The musical structure of the
whole section of the sea spell is underlined by an incessant fluctuating of chords: there are 7th,
9th or 13th based chords, secondary dominants and their inversions. Despite such harmonic
richness and its sudden chromaticism, the key of F major predominates through the whole
section [v. s. p. 189-193] and is never seriously displaced. The essentially static harmonic basis
is only on one occasion undermined by a briefmodulation into A major [v. s. p. 193/2/1-2].
The music texture is condensed further by the entrance of the female chorus whose voices
(soprano and contralto) are used coloristically. Instead of a recitative or a 'song', the sirens sing
as if they were strands within the orchestra, their phrases being formed from the melodic shape
of two of the sea motifs: the chromatically winding theme (n. 5), and the sinuous melody of
parallel thirds (n. 8). The musical complexity is enhanced further by the text which
accompanies the sirens' melodies: if we look at the libretto of this scene, we can note that it is
'fractured', consisting of exceptionally long and irregularly set verses [libretto p. 54-55]." The
61
The exact counting of the syllables results with 21 - syllable lines, or 18 syllable; we can note that the words
contain 3-syllables; their reciting obtains a steady pulse and enhances the 'hypnotic' effect, for example: "Ardito
nocchiero, che peschi con l'avido sguardo ne' flutti d'argento/ se un corpo di donna tu scorgi errabondo, deh! Credi
che l'occhio delira...", see libretto p. 54.
153
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
two sea motifs sung by the sirens form the heart of the 'magic music' and are repeated several
times. Their recurrences seem identical: Smareglia creates an immutable effect by holding on to
the same harmonic basis, which is enriched by subtle decorative figures. Gradually, the whole
setting feels more intense as the sirens continue to echo their melody, in a dialogue with the
orchestra. To increase the effect, the composer again, as at the end of act I, subdivides the
chorus voices [v. s. p. 193-198], The spell episode comes to an end when the young Nersa
herself becomes upset by the sirens' song , begging Uls to stop it.
What makes this scene particularly poetic, besides its setting, is the manner in which the
composer evokes the elements of the fantastic in it. The music is persuasive not so much
because it is repeated numerous times but rather because it moves persuasively. This can be
seen in the melodic contour of the sea motifs themselves, their winding chromaticism, the
complex harmonic structures, as well as the rich orchestration, which in this scene, more than
anywhere else in the opera, employs harp and celesta. Although the effect of such music works
to depict the atmospheric, and may seem "untheatrical", it still carries through the turning point
of the plot and intensifies the events which follow.
ii) Leitmotifs
In the previous section there was mention of how the narrative features of the libretto and its
poetic ideas greatly influenced the formal design of the opera. Illustrations of it were provided
with act II and its episodic sections which, as was noted earlier, the composer came to assemble
into a suite. In evoking such picturesque episodes Smareglia developed a series of musical
images. Within their abundant orchestral textures we can trace a network of musical ideas
which the composer often repeats, transforms and develops in order to articulate the drama and
its set atmosphere.
Letimotifs play an important part of the opera's ongoing musical flow and of its overall
musico-dramatic unity. However, with such musical or poetic objectives for writing the opera,
it remains difficult to clearly determine whether and to what extent these leading themes also
have dramatic implications.6" The following analysis of the leading themes in the opera reveal
that Smareglia used the leitmotif technique also for dramatic purposes; the example seen earlier
was the scene of siren's 'enchantment song' in act II which employed a dense series of sea
motifs. The present section draws special attention at the instances and various manners in
which the composer employed particular musical ideas.
62
See the discussion on Smareglia's musical language in Chapter I.
154
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
In Oceana there are twelve most characteristic themes which, in the course of the drama,
accompany some of the principal characters, their mood, an established atmosphere or an idea.
The motifs in question, all endowed with their own distinctive sound, are as follows: the motif
of Uls (n. 1), Init's love (n. 2), Hareb (n. 3), Wedding motif (n. 3a), Vadar's love (n. 4), motif
of the sea spell (n. 5), Ers motif (n. 6), Nersa's song (n. 7), sirens' song (n. 8), the sea motifs
(n. 9 and n. 10), the motif of love (n. 11) and Nersa's association with the beach (n. 12 and 12a)
[see Thematic guide, p. 155-7],63
OCEANA - THEMATIC GUIDE
[1] Uls
Largo J* = 96
iliW. . 3l=t=i J
/
b - ==j
[2] Init's love
Andante sostenuto
CBass Bsn
[3a] "wedding" motif
*
p
63
The most significant motifs are included in the present list; the numbers in the square brackets correspond to the
order of their appearance in the opera's overture, and are being used for easier reference. Although the labels of
these motifs, for the most part, derive from Levi, "Oceana": piccola guida verso 1'opera, this study for the first time
names, examines and lists the collection of principal themes of the opera. Levi's work on Oceana represents the first
more serious attempt towards the understanding of Smareglia's compositional style.
155
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
[4] Vadar's love
[5] Sea "spell"
[6] Ers
Fl. Clar. Hp.
[7] Nersa
[8] Sea motif
■Uai j
V' Z
156
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
[9] Sea motif
[10] Sea motif
[11] Love theme
[12] Nersa/ "beach"
Ob. FI. Clar.
[12a] Nersa/ "beach"
Clar.
_—„ 3
, 3
In order to illustrate a variety of themes and the different occasions in which Smareglia uses
them, let us take a closer look at a few cases. It is interesting to examine with the motif
associated with the sea genius Ers [n. 6] as the composer gives it a very distinctive shape of a
broken chord: a fast succession of descending and ascending triplets:
"Ers" motif
157
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
Given the velocity of its movement, coated in the augmented chord, the theme acts as an
'interruption', and sounds capricious, depicting Ers's mischievous character. This musical idea
accompanies Ers throughout the opera, its appearances adapting to the dramatic situation. For
example, the motif is noticeably transformed at the moment when Ers tries to persuade Nersa to
run away with him half way through act I. The composer achieves this gradually by unfolding
the motif, using its section (two sets of double triplets) and modeling it into a new shape [v. s.
p. 63; see Example I. 3. B in Chapter I, p. 10]. The melodic phrase which follows is turned
more lyrical and charming: its interval structure is modified into a mild, tender melody, its
rhythm moved into the triple time, and its augmented chord 'fixed' to A major and its dominant
chord. The motif, reacting to the event on stage, is transformed into the triplets of a new
melodic line, and is used as the main thematic material in escorting their departure, and leading
into the following scene [v. s. p. 64-67], The same change affects this leitmotif in act II when
Ers talks to Init, reminding him that he is deserving of the precious pearl since he found for Init
his future bride [v. s. p. 162-163],
Vadar [n. 4], the chief of the Noat tribe, remains fixed in our mind through his 'love theme'
which he sings to Nersa; it is a simple, melancholic phrase:
"Vadar" motif
It is curious to note the dramatic context in which Vadar's theme initially appears: the first time
we hear it is not when Vadar comes into sight, but as a part of Nersa's arioso, earlier in act I.
This scene is a static moment of the plot, in which Nersa tells Ers about Vadar's love, and of
her mixed feelings about it [v. s. p. 42/2/1-2]. The motif clearly accompanies Vadar later on in
the act, from the scene in which he finds out about her escape [v. s. p. 71/2/3 -71/3/1]. At this
point, the music is pervaded by Vadar's theme, at first played in unison in dark, low registers of
clarinet, violoncelli and contrabass. The motifs intervallic structure and rhythm are initially
more rigid; following Vadar's agitated recitative, the theme advances into his vocal line
(accompanied by oboe and trombone), intensifying the depth of Vadar's feelings for her.
From this moment of the plot the motif continuously reflects Vadar's emotional state: he uses it
while threatening everyone who dares to criticise Nersa's escape [short, faster, rhythmically
modified statement in both vocal part and the orchestra, v. s. p. 85], or while revealing his own
158
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
fear of loosing her [v. s. p. 94 and 97]. Among interesting appearances of this leitmotif is, for
example, the scene in act II, when the sea genius Uls notices a boat in the distance: the music in
the orchestra tells us it is the boat of Vadar (and Hareb) [v. s. p. 182], On another occasion, the
dramatic situation is intensified by the absence of the motif when, towards the end of act IH,
Vadar asks Init to cast a spell on him in order to forget his love for Nersa. For Vadar "Nersa's
love has vanished": it is interesting that in this moment Vadar's melody gains the shape of the
motif of Init instead [v. s. p. 255-256],
"Init's theme distorted"
Vadar.
£ £ k- - # 7*
The most systematically conducted leitmotif in Oceana is the one of the sea genius Uls [n. 1].
This motif claims our attention first not only because it is the one with which the opera (its
overture) begins, but also because of its majestic musical character. Its solemn entrance, played
by the English horn, clarinets and trumpets creates the effect of ceremonial, almost 'baroque'
music, with which the composer introduces the listener to the opera's marine world. The motif
gradually unfolds into a theme: its modal sonority is created from a slow, homophonic
progression of the triads based on the secondary degrees of D major.
Largo J1 = 96
/
4
£
% L
The motif has several musical features which the composer uses and develops separately: the
most obvious is the fast descending movement (two demisemiquavers falling on a longer note
or on a chord), and the chord itself, at times played as a single beat, at others as a longer note
under which there is different accompanying material.
Throughout the opera we can trace the way the composer employs the motif mainly by dividing
and interweaving its two main parts. However, on two occasions these fragments are assembled
and unfold into a longer theme; in both instances the motif is distinguished by the change of
tempo to Largo, and by a change to a more homophonic texture. On both occasions the theme
emphasises the role of the 'wise prophet' Uls is called to play in the story. He seems to appear
159
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
always in the crucial moments of the plot to restore order." One example accompanies the first
entrance of Uls in act I, "Ascoltatemi", the scene in which Nersa's escape from the tribe has to
be judged [v. s. p. 87-89].
Uls' appearance is first announced by the orchestra; Smareglia builds up the association of the
motif with the character by developing a short motivic preparation, prior to and along with Uls'
arrival on stage. The first time we can identify the beginning of the motif is in the short
interlude which follows the entrance of Nersa and Uls among the peasants. Its 'insistent'
reappearance [v. s. p. 79; see Example I. 3. A, Chapter I, p. 10] forms the new thematic
material in the texture, whose meaning we come to learn later on, once Uls introduces himself.
On the second occasion we hear the fragment faster, less transformed and decisively repeated
[v. s. p. 85-87]. Another scene during which Uls suddenly appears in order to solve the problem
of the love triangle occurs in act IIL Again, the orchestra employs the motif prior to Uls'
appearance by continuously repeating its beginning, and varying the intervallic structure within
it. This is followed by motif s full statement, its slower and more solemn mood reinforces the
impact of what he has to say to Init, Vadar and Nersa: Smareglia plays it in its original key of D
major, and releases the accumulated tension of the plot [v. s. p. 241-244].
The most ambiguous motif in the opera is the one associated with Hareb [n. 3]
[3] Hareb [3a] "wedding" motif
CBass Bsn
The ambiguity does not relate to the way Smareglia represents Hareb's character; in fact, the
treatment is similar to the motif of Uls or Ers. What is strange is the motif's resemblance to the
wedding motif [n. 3a, see Example V D, p. 161], Both include a strong descending interval
(usually perfect 4th or 5th) followed by a group of four staccato quavers ['wedding' motif] or
semiquavers [Hareb]. There are further, more subtle differences, such as the four semiquavers
moving differently (in the opposite direction) from the four quavers of the wedding motif.
Furthermore, Hareb's motif is preceded by two semiquavers which come on the weak beat, and
this particular fragment of the motif is often used and developed separately.
64
The sea genius Uls is not quite as innocent as may appear at first: for example, his idea of leaving Nersa alone on a
distant beach for three days was planned in order to make it possible for the sea God, Init, to meet her.
160
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
Although the musical features indicate that the two motifs could derive one from another, and
could possibly be considered as the two different versions of the same musical idea, several
occasions can be found in which the motifs are identified behaving as independent themes. It is
particularly curious that the wedding motif features as the main subject in the overture to the
opera. Furthermore, it is relevant to mention that the wedding motif does not appear at all in the
first two acts. The first time we hear it in the opera accords with the dramatic situation: in act
ID, in the moment when Vadar leaves Nersa in order to look at the wedding preparations [v. s.
p. 221, played by the oboe, clarinet and horn]. Its next appearance is at the end of the act,
supporting the exclamations addressed to Hareb, "il nuovo padrone" and accompanying the
wedding celebrations of Init and Oceana [v. s. p. 269-280]. It is quietly introduced by clarinet,
low clarinet and viola, in unison, above the protracted dominant chord of A major; the figure is
gradually assembled in chords, is intensively repeated, leading towards its full statement in D
major. From this moment on, the motif takes over the main thematic material in the orchestral
texture and continues to recur until the opera ends; this part of the music is transferred literally
to form part of overture [v. s. p. 271-276 and p. 6-8, 17-18].
As was mentioned earlier, Hareb's motif appears independently throughout the opera; at times
next to the wedding motif [overture, v. s. p. 5 b. 4; p. 270 b. 10-11] and often interacting with
other motifs, for example with Vadar's [v. s. p. 274 b. 12-14]. In its early appearances, the
motif gets developed gradually; its initial presentations can be distinguished primarily through
its distinctive rhythm, during the scene in act I in which Ers talks to Nersa, while Hareb himself
is nowhere to be seen yet. We hear a fragmentary 'rhythmic cell' which perceptibly acquires
the melodic shape of the motif (both of n. 3 and 3a) [v. s. p. 45 b. 16; p. 46 b. 9, p. 47 b. 1-4].
The attention Smareglia gives to Hareb's motif in the opera, and its striking resemblance to the
wedding motif can be explained by the fact that, although Hareb is depicted as 'weak-witted' in
act I, he gains our sympathy when he becomes the victim of the sirens' enchantment song, at
the end of act H. The drama turns to his advantage at the very end of the opera, when he gains
back his sanity and inherits all of his brother's fortune. Hareb has much to celebrate, which
possibly explains why from this moment on his theme receives rhythmic treatment similar to
the wedding theme itself.
Example V D:
[3] [3] or [3a]
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
To the leading roles of the opera, the young Nersa and the God of the sea Init, the composer
does not award real leitmotifs. Instead, for each of them he creates the most elegant ariosos,
through which they express their passion. Within their ariosos, however, we can recognise two
themes which are associated only with Nersa's character [n. 7], and one with Init's feelings [n.
2], To some extent these themes act as reminiscence themes: they reappear several times in the
course of the opera, and accompany the two characters and their particular mood. We notice
that unlike the other already mentioned motifs, they are rarely employed in the orchestral
developments and do not undergo genuine transformation, except perhaps once, which will be
discussed shortly. Nersa's theme is a short, simple song which reflects her particularly
melancholy mood as she tells us of her dream:
p espr.
She sings this melody in each of the three acts, accompanied by the words "Ti desidero nel
aurora". It is notable that it is first heard off-stage, isolating the scene for a moment and
completely seizing our attention. It follows the harvest scene in act I, and is detached by
trattenuto, the orchestral texture being transparent, while the solo oboe follows Nersa's melody
[v. s. p. 28/5/2- 4]. In the rest of the drama the theme behaves like the melody of a dream that
haunts her. For example, it reappears at the moment when Init wakes her up, capturing her half
awake, by surprise (act II); its appearance is identical to act I [it follows the change of rhythm
from 4/4 to 6/8, moderato rhythm, Bflat minor v. s. p. 150/2/2]. The theme gains more dramatic
and musical impact in act HI, which is set in Vadar's palace, prior to their wedding. In the short
prelude, Nersa's theme alternates with the theme of Vadar; the prelude's tempo is set in a
particularly slow tempo, and with very little orchestral accompaniment [v. s. p. 215/2/1-3]. The
only other time the theme is sung by Nersa is at the beginning of act III, when she remains
alone at last, and pours out her sad feelings. In order to evoke Nersa's inner conflict the
composer gradually breaks up her vocal line and then also the orchestral accompaniment.
Another elegant, melancholic theme which can only be associated with Nersa, is the melody
which she sings while leaving the sea world at the end of act II [see Thematic guide, n. 12].
Before that, this theme was employed several times in the prelude to act two, the 'sea
nocturne', evoking the moonlit sea shore, and Nersa asleep on it. A similar long, serpentine
meditative melody is the main theme in the 'sea nocturne' [theme 12a], The only other time it
appears in the story is at the moment when Init first sees Nersa, half way through act n. Both
themes are always played by the woodwinds (together or solo), and are usually accompanied by
a refined, transparent orchestral texture. Rather than enhancing the dramatic effect, the
162
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
composer employs these themes to deepen the established poetic mood.
As for the God of the sea, Init, Smareglia employs a theme which underlines the moment of his
falling in love [n. 2]:
Andante sostenuto
i 1
"T^+-4r~ -ft,; J"1
?T»P- " Lr r- p 1 r e#=^ ft m 7
P
The melody usually unfolds into an aria, just as is the case when we first hear it, half way
through act II. In this scene, Ink's ecstatic cantabile is sustained by the chorus of 'sea geniuses'
(geni del mare), who name the young girl Oceana. The scene of their falling in love is further
enhanced when Ink's love theme also becomes a part of Nersa's arioso.
There are two characteristic parts in this theme to be noted. On some occasions, as in act III, in
the scene in which Vadar is shocked by finding the two lovers embracing, the composer uses
and transforms these fragments separately. The first section of the theme is completely
modified. Smareglia expresses the dramatic tension in the music at this point in the story by
dropping Vadar's theme, and by using a distorted version of Ink's theme, modifying its
intervallic structure, tonality, accompaniment and rhythm [see "Init theme distorted" on p. 158.
Cf. also v. s. p. 235 b. 3-8 and 236 b. 1-4]
There is one more musical idea which we hear several times in the opera's overture [n. 11]
The reason why, afterwards, the love theme never appears again in full until the last scene of
the opera, is because it represents the fulfillment of the love between Init and Nersa, which
flowers only in act III. It is only possible to identify fragments of it interwoven in the musical
texture half way through the second act, for example in the scene of Nersa's and Ink's first
encounter [v. s. p. 154 b. 3, 6], Besides the examples already mentioned (arias or ariosos
developed out of Ink's theme, Nersa's theme or the iove' theme itself), the score of Oceana
displays perhaps some of the most inspired vocal writing of the composer. The end of the opera
provides a fine illustration: Smareglia gradually builds a duet, a trio, leading into a complex
quintetto in which Nersa and Init's cantabile mixes with the conversational singing of Uls, Ers
and Vadar [v. s. p. 251-254]. The ardent passion of the two lovers is constantly intensified in
163
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
their vocal parts. The act comes to an end with the chorus celebrating their wedding,
accompanied by the music from the overture [v. s. p. 275-277; p. 281 - 288].
Illustration 15: Oceana and Uls, stage design from 1903.
V. 5 Conclusion
One of the reasons why atmospheric painting is all-pervasive in the opera is the way in which
Smareglia interprets the story. We have seen him creating the orchestral pictures, such as the
sea nocturne or the dance of the waves. Furthermore, the composer achieves musical coherence
and continuity by creating a series of musical characters in the drama. It can be said that
Smareglia uses the leitmotif technique in a manner akin to that of Wagner: they are used
throughout the music, are developed and transformed, and they always project the dramatic
situation. What is new in this opera is the almost tangibly picturesque text which Smareglia had
to start with: the nature of its subject, its story line, the characters, and the ambience in which
they move had very little that was dramatic in the common understanding of the term.
Furthermore, the composer's dramatic intentions were not like those of his younger colleague
Puccini for example; Smareglia's instinct for the theatre was not as practical. For him the
centre of the drama was not so much on stage as in the orchestra, even more so since his main
tool was his imagination.
Y. 6 The reception of Oceana
Oceana e una commedia fantastica e mira a dar motivo a grandi scene decorative di mitologia e a
grandi quadri di musica sinfonica. [Benco in a letter to Boccardi]
164
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
[Oceana is a fantastic comedy; it aims to inspire vast decorative scenes of mythology as well as vast
pictures of symphonic music.]
How did the critics and the spectators react to such an anti-theatrical opera? In many ways the
critical reception of Oceana's, premiere is one of the reasons for which the opera remained
vividly remembered in the history of La Scala. The controversy generated at its first staging
confirmed that the opera was of a new and complex nature. From the numerous reviews we
learn that the theatre was crowded and included such eminent personalities as D'Annunzio,
Franchetti, Puccini, Giordano, Leoncavallo and Cilea. The performance was considered "ideal",
earning ovations for Toscanini's interpretation.65 What was memorable about Oceana were the
strong debates it provoked at the time; it was both loved and condemned outright. The opera
took the spectators by surprise to such an extent that the audience was divided into two
disparate camps - pro and contra Oceana-, into "oceanisti" and "non-oceanisti", as
D'Annunzio described it.66 The echo of the event went as far as Trieste, where one of the city's
journals devoted a whole page to satirical jokes about the opera and the sea world it evoked.67
One author even wrote an "ode" of a rather dubious character about it.68
The debate, which continued for days, concentrated on those who admired the opera's novelties
as opposed to those who adhered to more traditional views and were shocked by Oceana' s anti-
theatrical and anti-realistic appeal. This part of the audience saw Benco's and Smareglia's
intentions as ineffectual, and in fact, ended up applauding most the overture and what
Leoncavallo called the "quintetto aU'italiana" placed at the end of act HI. These were
considered the two most communicative, and in the case of the quintet, conventional, moments
of the work. One critic claimed that if Smareglia had only included a romanza for tenor, and a
duetto d'amore, he would have had such a success! For the rest of the performance the
audiences expressed their aversion and boredom by the kind of disturbances for which La Scala
already had some reputation: lots of hissing or chatting during the production, the kind of
behaviour which, as Boldrini put it, was "humiliating" to witness. An overview of the whole
evening is given in Mario Smareglia's book.
65
The information and the excerpts from several of the articles can be found in Barblan, Toscanini e la Scala.
66
D'Annunzio's comment is quoted in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 361.
67
The copy of the article found in the Civico Museo Teatrale "C. Schmidt" is incomplete; the page mentioned is
entitled "Guerin Meschino"; however these details have not been sufficient to identify the author or the date of the
article.
68
The Ode to Oceana was written in Trieste in 1902, and was signed by an author by the name Ninia. Its text
consists of fifteen strophes of four senari each, linked with rhyme endings. "S'inalzi, si canti/ L'antico Peana/ A1
prode Istriano / Autor d'Oceana. Fu un parto sublime / Del grande maestro / in essa profuse / Con lena il suo
estro...".
165
Chapter V - Oceana - tone poetry
More perceptive members of the press interpreted the opera's lack of "theatrical effectiveness"
in a different way. They tactfully explained that Oceana was not the kind of work "which can
be appreciated in all its beauty at a first hearing".6' The critics ended up praising Oceana''s
picturesque elements, and found new terminology in order to describe the work: Oceana was
seen as an opera of an "unusual structure", a "lyrical poem" (poema lirico, Sachetti), a
"continuous descriptive symphony" (continua sinfonia descrittiva, Pozza) or as a "fairy-tale of
pure lyrical imagination" (fiabci di pura immaginazione lirica, Pozza).
What remains particularly significant is the supporters' recognition that Benco and Smareglia
wanted to create "their own musical theatre", in which music was clearly predominant or the
"primary element". The composer's spirit was best captured in the comment by Cameroni, the
critic who fervently defended Smareglia at the time:
Sinfonista e contrappuntista consumato - nessuno oso negarlo nemmeno ieri sera - signore come
nessuno dei piu eccellenti contemporanei della tavolozza orchestrale... egli circonfonde i suoi
sogni... con un senso di contemplazione piu che di commozione con un ritmo piu di poema che di
dramma. [Cameroni, in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 222]
[Devoted symphonist and polyphonist - nobody dared to deny it yesterday evening either - master
of the orchestral palette as no other of his contemporaries ... he encompasses his dreams... more
with a sense of contemplation than of sentiment, more with the rhythm of a poem rather than of a
drama.]
The impact which Oceana had in La Scala's history was confirmed again some forty years ago.
In 1954, the Milanese journal Domenica del Corriere published the illustrations of eight works
whose premieres, according to the illustrator, were remembered as the most notable events for
the Italian operatic theatre. The period in consideration were the years between 1899 and 1924,
and the publication included the illustrations of Boito's Nerone (Milan, La Scala, 1924),
Puccini's Tosca (Rome, Teatro Costanzi, 1900), Madama Butterfly (Milan, La Scala 1904),
Franchetti's Germania (Milan, La Scala 1902) and Smareglia's Oceana.™ The author of the
article accompanied these illustrations with the following comment: "these illustrations are
documents from an era for which more than one of our readers will feel nostalgic".71
69
"Oceana non e un lavoro che si faccia apprezzare in tutta la sua bellezza ad una prima audizione...", in Mario
Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 232.
70
The remaining three works were the two ballets Ballo Amor and Rosa d'Amor, both on music by Romualdo
Marenco and choreography by Luigi Manzotti.
71
"...lllustrazioni che costituiscono documenti di un'epoca di cui piu di uno dei nostri lettori proven! nostalgia",
from "Le grandi premieres all'opera tavole di Achille Beltrame" by Vicenzo Gibelli in Domenica del Corriere, 8
December 1957.
166
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
CHAPTER VI
ABISSO - THE EXPLOSION OF THE SENSES
Abisso, dramma lirico in 3 acts.
Milan, Teatro alia Scala, 10 February 1914.
[La musica colma] l'abisso tra il disagio della realta presente e l'irraggiungibilita immediata di cio
che manca alia vita nostra come se le mancasse il respiro. [Benco, "Musica e nostalgia", in Scritti
musicali, p. 124]
[Music fills the abyss between the discomfort of present reality and the impossibility of obtaining
what is lacking in our life, as if it lacked breath.]
VI. I Introduction
For Smareglia, Abisso meant his return to Milan's leading opera house after eleven years. Its
premiere, unlike the premiere of Oceana in 1903, did not provoke general controversy, but was
widely thought to be a resounding success. The audience of La Scala applauded the opera with
such enthusiasm that more than one critic wondered if such warmth also marked appreciation
for the overall achievements of the composer.' It is useful to remember that the decade
preceding Abisso (1904 - 1914) saw a drastic decline in the number of new operas staged at La
Scala, in comparison to the previous ten-year period. Furthermore, the change was obvious not
only in the smaller number of operas composed but in the peculiar nature of these works: out of
fourteen operas written during that time by the composers of the "young Italian school", four
were based on subjects by D'Annunzio, another four were dannunzian in style, and one was by
Puccini."
1
See for example, the opinion of the Turinese music critic, Michele Lessona, in La Stampa, 11 [?] February 1914.
Lessona's article has been partially quoted in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 279-280.
2
See Appendix C, Time line 3 and 4. Except for Mancinelli all the other composers belong to "la giovane scuola".
The operas based on D'Annunzio's subjects were: La figlia di Iorio (Franchetti 1906), Paolo e Francesca
(Mancinelli 1907), Parisina (1913) and Francesca da Rimini (Zandonai 1914); dannunzian in style were: Gloria
(Cilea 1907), Isabeau (Mascagni 1911), Conchita (Zandonai 1911), Abisso (Smareglia 1914). The time line includes
other two dannunzian subjects which were at the time set to music by Pizzetti (Fedra and La Pisanelle, the second
being the poet's comedy, for which Pizzetti wrote incidental music). The lesser known operas by Giordano (such as
Marcella 1907, and Mese Mariano 1910) and by Leoncavallo (Zingari 1912) were not included in the present
discussion.
167
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Abisso was one of these unusual operas. As was the case with Oceana and Falena, Abisso was
also accompanied by numerous comments at the time of its premiere. It may be that Smareglia
continued to provoke curiosity among the audience and the critics for two main reasons.
Firstly, Abisso confirmed that the composer still believed in and insisted on collaborating with
Benco. Secondly, the composer was much admired because of his ability to continue dictating
his music in spite of the blindness which struck him in the midst of his career. The fact that
Smareglia, for the third time in his career, was presenting an opera based on 'a Benco text',
particularly caught the attention of the reviewers. Their teamwork was widely recognised by
the critics, in some cases to such an extent that it misled Paolo Isotta into believing that Abisso
is a "camouflaged transcription of Falena"? Although this time, in contrast to Falena, Benco
fashioned a combative, violent male character, and placed the emphasis more on the sensual
elements of the plot rather than on the destructive forces of the human mind, the two libretti
were both closely linked with the atmosphere and the literary style of Decadence.
Since Abisso was the last opera of the Benco - Smareglia collaboration, and since it can be said
that the collaboration with Benco had largely defined Smareglia's last and most mature
compositional phase, it seems logical to devote the opening section of this Chapter to the
relationship between the two artists. So far this subject has been only partially addressed. The
sections which will follow are largely based on a discussion of the various critical reviews of
the opera. These articles, written between 1914 and 1979, were published in numerous
newspapers and journals, and provide an important source of information about the opera's
genesis and reception. More significantly, their authors were particularly perceptive in singling
out what seem to be the most characteristic features of the opera. It is argued here that these
comments provide a good basis for further discussion and research into topics such as the
controversial nature of the plot, the eroticism in the subject, and the densest fusion of
symphonism with "canto" the composer ever achieved.
Firstly, it is helpful to turn briefly to Smareglia's life in the years which separate Oceana
(1903) and Abisso (1914). The events which followed the exciting premiere of Oceana have
been, to some extent, described in Chapter II of this thesis. It is important to remember that,
like his audience, Smareglia felt a bit lost after Oceana and to some extent intimidated by the
response to the opera, which was to be remembered by Benco as an "opera di battaglia".
Although the attention he gained with Oceana contributed to his popularity, immediately
afterwards the composer left Milan, spending about two years in Venice (from 1903-1905). The
circumstances in which Smareglia lived at the time were extremely difficult, not only because
of the physical handicap of his blindness, but because of financial hardship: this explains why
"... [T]rascrizione mascherata delta Falena", by Isotta, in II Giornale degli Spettacoli, 6 February 1979.
168
Chapter VI - Abisso — the explosion of the senses
he lived for long periods of time with his friends, such as Achille Tamburlini, a noted Venetian
sculptor of the time.4 Smareglia however, kept on working and meeting other artists; the names
we encounter in his biographies are those of Wolf-Ferrari, Leoncavallo, Strauss, Saint-Saens
and Gian Francesco Malipiero. At that time he was occupied with several projects, which
included the revision of his previous operas (of Falena in particular), the beginning of a new
one, and the possibility of establishing a publishing company, since the composer was again
without one.5
From available letters and biographies we can discern that Smareglia was thinking through
several possible ideas for a new work. He thought of writing a symphonic poem after
Flaubert's La Tentation de Saint Antoine, and also contemplated new subjects for an opera. The
ideas included Maeterlinck's tale Ariane et Barbe-blue and Benco's La morte dell'usignolo.
The latter text, originally dating from 1901, was the project which Smareglia had started to
work on before composing Oceana, but he had only completed its first act.7 It still remains
unclear why Smareglia's reaction to these stories was unfavourable, in particular since some
elements of these two texts, as will soon be explained, can be recognised in the subject of
Abisso. The fact is that nearly four years were to go by before the composer found a new
subject. In the meantime, to divert his mind, he was accompanied by Piero Manzutto and
Gaudenzio dalla Zonca, two Triestine friends, on a visit to his friends in Dresden and Vienna.8
Although what Smareglia hoped for was to renew his old acquaintances, what he surely had not
imagined was meeting Ernst von Schuch in the midst of the conductor's final rehearsals of
Strauss's latest opera, Salome. Without any expectation of attending it, but thanks to Schuch's
4
For Achille Tamburlini see Personalia, Appendix A.
We leam from Ariberto Smareglia's biography as well as from the composer himself, that the so called "editore
Mariani", who was interested in Smareglia's next opera on Benco's text, La morte dell'usignolo, was no longer in
business; see Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, p. 62. It appears, from a letter written by the composer, that even
Siegfried Wagner was to be involved in it (see letter n. 12 in Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, pp. 30-31).The project
failed to materialise, and so did the attempt to set up a contract with Ricordi, which was mediated by Luigi Illica (see
letter n. 15, ibid.).
6
Around this time the composer, along with Benco, must have also tried to collaborate with D'Annunzio and his
"poetic theatre" intended to be built in Albano, near Rome. Cf. Chapter I. 2. Smareglia's interest in Flaubert's La
Tentation de Saint Antoine dates back to 1894, during the time Smareglia spent in Dignano in Istria. Illica however,
inspired by the local atmosphere, insisted that they write a verismo opera; the result was Nozze istriane (Trieste
1895). Maeterlinck's tale Ariane et Barbe-blue is first mentioned in Benco's letter from 1900 (see Antonio
Smareglia, Lettere, p. 22). To a certain extent, in Abisso the two female characters behave similarly to the wives of
Bluebard: both Gisca and Mariela become attracted to their 'torturer', giving up their freedom.
7
The completed first act was lost in Milan during the First World War. The circumstances which made Smareglia
abandon the composition of this opera are unclear. According to Ariberto Smareglia, the composer was strongly
attracted by the libretto. From Ariberto's biography it seems that some of the musical ideas were used in Abisso's
"scene of the priest". The manuscript of La morte dell'usignolo remains in private possession of the Trieste
musicologist and critic, Gianni Gori.
8
Hans Richter and Ernst von Schuch were both involved in conducting Smareglia's earlier operas. Richter
conducted the operas Der Vasall von Szigeth (in 1889) and Cornelius Schut (in 1894) in Vienna, while Ernst von
Schuch conducted the premiere of Cornelius Schut in Dresden in 1893. For more information about Smareglia's
encounter and friendship with the two artists see Chapter II. 2. For more on Zonca and Manzutto, see Personalia,
Appendix A.
169
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
invitation, Smareglia was able to hear the performance of one of the touchstones in the history
of opera. Not only did the composer attended the premiere of Salome, but he was so impressed
that he went to hear it a second time; each time he sent a postcard about his impressions to
9
Boito. On several occasions in the course of this thesis it has been mentioned that Smareglia
and Strauss had met at different times. Smareglia recalled these encounters in a short essay
about the composer in which he concluded that, "perhaps Strauss is the most important
personality in the evolution of modern music".10 It is likely that hearing Strauss's music had an
impact on Smareglia's own future opera; the two operas in fact attracted some similar criticism,
for example in being described as having too great a resemblance to 'scenic symphonies'. More
interestingly, however, Salome's impact can be sensed in the libretto written for the opera by
Benco.
"Abisso" - Scena atto III. Teafro alia Scala
Illustration 16: Abisso, stage setting of act III, from Mario Smareglia's book
9
Cf. Chapter II. 2. See Benco, Ricordi, pp. 122-123, also Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, p. 69. Boito's opinion of
Salome, however, would prove to be quite different, see Carner, Puccini, p. 42.
10
"Riccardo Strauss ... rappresenta la personality tipica forse piu importante dell'evoluzione musicale moderna...",
from Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 318.
170
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
VI. 2 Synopsis
Characters:
Anselmo - old shepherd
Gisca and Mariela - his granddaughters
Hanno - German baron
Vito - his esquire
Un frate - priest
German warriors, Lombard commoners and citizens
The plot takes place in Lombardy in Italy, between 1175- 1176.
Act I: A hut in the Apennines
It is a late winter's night in wartime. While the old shepherd Anselmo warms himself at the
fireplace, his two granddaughters, Mariela and Gisca, listen through the door to the sounds
that are mysteriously evoked by the night. They feel lonely, as it has been a long time since
someone visited them. They nostalgically recall the day before, when a cavalcade passed by
their house without stopping. Anselmo joins their conversation, warning them about an
unknown night 'wanderer', whose spirit affects those who listen to it. The girls however,
continue to dream of someone who will fall in love with them some day.
Suddenly Gisca screams, hearing a galloping sound from outside. Their enemy, the German
baron Hanno, his esquire Vito and other soldiers, break into the cottage. They are searching
for shelter overnight and Hanno rudely demands it from Anselmo. Hanno's brutal behaviour
provokes an impetuous reaction from Gisca, which only gets his blood up the more. Her
rebellious character attracts him and he determines to take her away with him the next day.
Mariela becomes jealous of her sister, wishing that the handsome enemy had chosen her
instead. She escorts the visitors to their shelter and stables their horses in a barn, while Gisca
seeks comfort in her grandfather's arms. When Hanno and Mariela return to the cottage,
Hanno comments upon Mariela's seductive behaviour and humiliates her by offering her to
Vito. He chooses Gisca for himself. Although hesitant at first, Vito approaches Mariela. Soon
both couples abandon the cottage, leaving the old Anselmo alone and frightened.
171
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Act II: A castle in a village of Lombardy
It is a mid-April night. Zufolio, a patriotic tune, is heard coining from the street below, it is
either played by a flute or sung by a Lombard." Although provocative, the song initially does
not affect Hanno: he is joyful, and flirts with his lover's sister, Mariela. Continuous repetitions
of this tune gradually provoke Hanno to respond to the provocation by singing passionately.
He is drunk and insults Vito about his gentle behaviour with women. Feeling everyone's
disapproval of his vulgar behaviour and already tired of Gisca, he turns to Mariela, who still
fancies him. Hanno and Mariela continue to flirt, provoking Gisca's and Vito's jealousy. They
soon abandon the castle together, leaving the broken hearted Gisca alone.
In her desperate distress, Gisca sees an apparition of a priest. He 'visits' Gisca's 'soul',
torturing her conscience for having betrayed the country by conniving with the enemy. In an
extended dialogue, the priest blames her for leading a sinful life. He suggests that, instead, she
ought to take the role of Judith, the heroine who rescued her people by seducing and then
killing the enemy in his sleep. She ought to save her country by killing the baron. Gisca, at
first horrified by the idea, gradually surrenders: she is "lombarda", and cannot bear the weight
of the priest's words. The episode ends in an ecstatic vision of a Lombard victory. As the
apparition of the priest vanishes, Gisca hears Mariela and Hanno returning, but when the
opportunity arises to kill Hanno, Gisca's courage fails her. Hanno is shocked and wants to
punish her, but Mariela intervenes and saves her sister's life.
)
Meanwhile the castle is surrounded by the Lombards, who are now in revolt. Finally Hanno is
distracted from flirting with Mariela and joins the battle. In the violent fighting Vito loses his
life, while the two sisters, exhausted and terrified, confront one another. Mariela declares her
eternal love for Hanno, which embitters Gisca and provokes her to scream dementedly.
Act HI
It is a clear morning in May. Mariela and Hanno are barricaded in the castle, imprisoned by the
Lombards. Mariela is still cheerful in Hanno's company, but the baron is irritable, thinking
11
Zufolio is a term used by Benco. The expression derives from the word zuffolo, a small flute or a whistle. In the
opera it is a patriotic tune, either played on zuffolo [like a military flute], or sung. Its text bears strong patriotic
connotations. When the opera was first staged it included one more repetition of the patriotic tune, sung off stage,
which Benco and the conductor Tulio Serafin found ineffective. According to Benco, there was a short dispute about
removing it from the score, the idea which the composer initially refused despite the pleading of both librettist and
conductor. It was finally removed when Smareglia changed the opera's ending; this was done by the time of
Abisso's second staging, which took place in Trieste in 1926.
172
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
only of how to escape. While they comfort each other, the church bells announce the Lombard
victory at Legnano. Hanno tries to escape by using the bell-ringer's rope, but suddenly meets
Gisca who is dementedly wandering around the castle. Having again met her beloved, she
becomes agitated, dragging him closer to the edge of the battlement. Mariela attempts to help
Hanno and escape with him but Gisca grabs her and doesn't let her go. Suddenly, she pushes
Mariela off the wall and into the abyss. In his attempt to escape, Hanno is mortally wounded.
Gisca remains with him as he dies and reveals that she is finally at peace.'"
This is the second version of the opera's ending, which Benco had written on Smareglia's insistence. The revision
was made some time after the First World War and was complete by 1921. See also Mario Smareglia, Antonio
Smareglia, p. 251.
173
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
VI. 3 The Benco - Smareglia collaboration
Looking back at the collaboration between Smareglia and Benco it must be said that their
partnership was not as simple as may at first appear. In the course of this thesis we have learnt
about their working relationship, in particular in the chapters which examined Falena and
Oceana, but these showed only some of its aspects. The style of the opera which followed,
Abisso, confirms that the two artists created works of unusual and highly original character in
early 20th-century Italian opera. Nevertheless, it is hard to see how the librettist and the
composer collaborated. The surviving documentation relating to the creation of the three operas
is restricted to the sources discussed in Chapter II. As was explained, there seems to be
astonishingly little correspondence between the two artists which has been published." The
existence ofmany unpublished letters reveals quite a different picture from the one we get from
the published collection. This collection of Smareglia's letters (in which Benco is Smareglia's
most frequent correspondent) is confined to essential communication, rarely discussing the
work itself. There are for example, a few letters in which the librettist gets involved in
composing the music, and changes some of the verses of Falena upon Smareglia's request; on
the basis of these letters it is possible to get more of a sample of the discussions between Benco
and Smareglia concerning their work.14 On some occasions letters contain the kind of
information which suggests that, most certainly, there had been more discussion between the
two artists while working together. For example, a couple of passing comments in a letter from
1911, upon the completion of Abisso, imply more than they say:
L'Abisso e quello che e, e credo che sia abbastanza interessante, anche se la sua architettura si
discosta dal solito. [Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, p. 56]
[Abisso is what it is. I think it is quite interesting, although its structure is different from the usual.]
In another letter, written during the same month, Benco mentions the first edition of the text:
"The libretto has arrived yesterday; the edition is very proper"." Curiously, no letters appear to
This discussion is primarily based on the study and on the overall impression one gets from the published part of
Smareglia's correspondence. However, further investigation conducted in several of the archives in Trieste (during
my research trip in October 2000) has revealed quite an astonishing number of letters (written mostly by Smareglia)
which have not been generally known. Some of these letters have been transcribed and discussed in this thesis.
These letters are included in Appendix B. Cf. discussion in Chapter II. 1. i.
14
The letters in question were written much later, around the time Smareglia was working on Oceana. See also
Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, pp. 32-33, 69-72. For the discussion of the changes which involved Falena, see Chapter
IV. 4. ii.
15
"II libretto e arrivato ieri; l'edizione e molto decorosa", see Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, pp. 56-58, 84-85. More
detailed discussion of the published part of the composer's correspondence is in Chapter II. l.i.
174
Chapter VI -Abisso - the explosion of the senses
have been exchanged immediately following this opera's premiere. And yet the major changes
in their collaboration regard the end of Abisso.
One would expect Benco's memoirs, Ricordi di Antonio Smareglia, to provide an eye witness
account of their collaboration. However, more than anything, this book provides us with an
insight into the turbulent itinerary of Smareglia's life, remaining the most valuable summary of
their friendship, and only a background commentary on their partnership. Although we do not
get a detailed view of practical issues such as the dramatic flow, or the depiction of the
characters in the opera, Benco reflected on several occasions on how he felt about writing the
texts of Falena, Oceana and Abisso. More importantly, he gave us an account of the role he
played as Smareglia's librettist, choosing the ideas he felt the composer would find most
stimulating, and telling us how Smareglia went to work in approaching a new operatic text.
Benco's thoughts are the only testimony we have about the composer.
One must stress that Smareglia's blindness gradually became more difficult to bear, and that, to
a certain extent, his physical dependency also affected his professional life. His friendships
from previous years, including his Triestine friends Manzutto, Zampieri, Bartoli, Pierobon and
of course Benco, became more solid and helpful; in the case of Benco, it also meant the
composer's complete reliance on their future collaboration. We learn, from Benco's Ricordi,
that Smareglia, following their collaboration on Oceana, did not even want to think about
working with another librettist: "he became attached to me as to a travelling companion".'6
Considering this testimony, as well as the fact that the three operas were composed one after
another, it may seem surprising to discover that Benco was reluctant to write them in the first
place.
Benco and Smareglia met each other quite by accident when introduced by a mutual friend, the
journalist Gian Giacomo Manzutto, at the time when Smareglia was contemplating a new
libretto after the success of his opera Nozze istriane." As was mentioned in Chapter IV, the
opportunity to write an opera text for Smareglia seemed to Benco most intriguing. From the
very beginning, when approaching the task, he concentrated on creating a text with 'musical
situations' which, in his opinion, would most inspire the imagination of the composer. As a
result, Falena was considered unusual and undramatic, and was sharply criticised by most of
the press following its premiere in Venice in 1897. It is likely that this lack of understanding
shown for his and Smareglia's work affected Benco's confidence. Although it prompted him to
defend the concept of his work in an article, "Le origini della Faletia", he became considerably
16
The full quotation is as follows: "Smareglia non ne aveva voluto nemmeno sentir parlare; si era attacato a me
come aun compagno di navigazione..." , in Benco, Ricordi, pp. 128-129.
For more information on their encounter, see Chapter II. 2. v.
175
Chapter VI -Abisso - the explosion of the senses
more hesitant about the idea of writing another libretto. He insisted that the composer should
collaborate with "more famous, experienced and fortunate authors".'8 And yet, he could not let
down such a close friend. In addition, Benco was flattered at being considered by Smareglia an
"inventor of musical situations", and came himself to believe it.
Their next project moved further in the direction initiated by Falena. The poet and the
composer agreed that this time the opera would be a "fantastic comedy", set mainly in the
depths of the ocean, its atmosphere inspired by the marine paintings of Bocklin. As was the
case with Falena, Smareglia left the undramatic text of Oceana as he found it, using the music
to bring it to life in a manner closer to the orchestral suite or tone poem than to opera. On the
basis of Benco's memoirs, as well as of Smareglia's achievement with this opera, it seems that
this kind of libretto, the supply of what Benco called a "series of symphonic situations", was
most stimulating for the composer (Benco 1968: 52). In fact, the libretto of Oceana is often
recognised to be, as Waterhouse called it, "a subject perfectly in key with his personality"
(Waterhouse 1968: 57). We learn from Benco, however, that Smareglia "was thrilled and at the
same time full of doubts and fears" about it." He was intimidated by the "vastness of the
picture, and of the scenic and symphonic requirements".20 In truth, this was also the case with
Falena: Benco recalled that Smareglia had "more than a few doubts" about the text because it
was "too different from the kind of melodramas which he had composed until then, too distant
from the rules and traditions of the theatre".2'
The idea that Smareglia felt a bit insecure about the text which he was setting to music is
supported by the fact that, while still composing Oceana, and immediately afterwards, he had
expressed a wish for a "less unusual libretto". Perhaps this may explain why he was not
interested in Benco's suggestion of the "legend of Monte Tricorno" entitled Zlatorog, by the
German writer Rudolf Baumbach." Another abandoned project was La morte dell'usignolo, the
text of which was described as "immersed in a fabulous historical atmosphere and in a spiral of
destructive sensuality"."3 It remains unclear why this libretto never stimulated Smareglia's
18
The full quotation is as follows: "... Per quanto da parte mia si insistesse perche si procacciasse la collaborazione
d'autori di me piu noti, piu esperti e piu fortunati" , from Benco, Ricordi, p. 81.
19
"Smareglia ne fu infervorato e al tempo stesso pieno di dubbi e di timori", ibid., p. 83.
20
"Vastita della tela, le esigenze sceniche e sinfoniche lo rendevano esitante a musicarlo...", in Benco's letter to the
critic Boccardi, written before Oceana's premiere.
21
"Troppo diversa dal genere di melodrammi che aveva animato di musica fmo a quegli anni, troppo discosta dalle
regole e dalle tradizioni del teatro", ibid. pp. 51-52.
22
Rudolf Baumbach (Kranichfeld 1840 - Meiningen 1905) German poet associated with the term
"Butzenscheibenpoesie", a derogatory name for the type of late 19th-century poetry which manifested a "degenerate
Romanticism". The characteristics of it were, among others, addiction to historical (medieval themes), and crude
psychology. See Henry and Mary Garland eds., 1986, The Oxford Companion to German Literature, 2nd ed., p. 66.
"Immerso in un'atmosfera storico-fiabesca e in una spirale di distruttiva sensualita", in Antonio Smareglia,
Lettere, p. 24.
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
imagination enough, so that he abandoned composition after the first act. He still insisted that
Benco provide him with a subject for his next opera.
With Abisso, the third and last opera of Benco and Smareglia, the collaboration between the
two artists is more difficult to understand and explain. As revealed in the following paragraph,
Benco was surprisingly reluctant to create another libretto for Smareglia:
Come gia altre volte, erano stati i suoi amici di Trieste a insistere su me perche gli componessi un
lavoro che egli potesse musicare. Io avevo resistito lungamente a queste sollecitazioni, perche mi
dava tormento la coscienza di aver gia pesato troppo sul destino del maestro con legarne l'ingegno a
mie fantasie su le quali si era sfogata la contrarieta di tanta gente, pur non nascondendomi che le sue
piii insigni pagine di musica erano nate da quegli spunti fantastici. Pensavo che nell'assoluto
bisogno in cui egli si trovava di un'affermazione indiscussa, di un successo senza riserve, senza
restrizioni aprioristiche, tale da schiudergli largo orizzonte, da farlo vivere, da farlo considerare per
quello che egli era, fosse consulto da parte sua scegliersi un melodramma d'autore accetto
all'universale, riconosciuto per qualita di poeta e d'uomo di teatro. [Benco, Ricordi, pp. 128-9]
[As had been the case before, it was his friends from Trieste who insisted that I should write a work
for him to compose. I had resisted these solicitations for a long time, because my conscience was
tormenting me for having already weighed too heavily on the composer's destiny by tying his talent
to my own fantasies. These fantasies had provoked the negative reaction of many people, even
though it could not be denied that his most refined pages of music were inspired by those ideas
derived from the fantastic. I thought that he absolutely needed an undisputed triumph, a success
without reservations, without aprioristic limits, which would widen his horizon, give him life and let
him be recognized for what he was. Given this necessity, for him it would perhaps have been helpful
to choose a melodramma written by an author widely accepted, and recognised for his qualities as a
poet and as a man of theatre.]
The sense of responsibility which emanates from Benco's testimony and which Benco felt in
the development of Smareglia's career seems to foreshadow what was to happen with Abisso.
The poet's subject this time seemed hardly suitable for Smareglia. There were, certainly,
novelties about Abisso's libretto, such as the historic background of the plot, but the fierce and
furious drama evolving around the violent lives of its principal characters shares something
with the "destructive sensuality" which Smareglia previously refused in La morte
dell'usignolo. It seems that, on a certain level, with this libretto Benco had misjudged the
composer's needs and his possible response to such a text, since it was precisely the violent
eroticism and the characters' agitated psychological states of mind which Smareglia
deliberately avoided in his music. As will be seen in the section on music, his interpretation
177
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
was different. Benco himself noted, some thirty five years later, that unlike Strauss, Smareglia
was not the kind of artist who would be "tempted" by such brutal, erotic drama:
La perversita, il sadismo di una Salome [sic] non lo avrebbero mai tentato, non avrebbero mai
trovato in lui un'espressione musicale, erano fuori delle sue possibility di concepimento quanto i
passi fatali e sonnambolici di Pelleas e Melisande nella armonica spira di simboli che li avvolge con
angosciosa dolcezza. Egli non apparteneva a questo mondo intelletualmente e psicologicamente
saturo di raffinate droghe: era un uomo sano e semplice, a cui non veniva in mente di far passare la
musica attraverso il senso del peccato o attraverso le fluttuazioni dell'incertezza di esistere. [Benco,
Ricordi, p. 125]
[The perversity, the sadism of a Salome would never have tempted him, would never have found
musical expression in him. To conceive these things was outside his capacities, as was with the fatal
and dreamy atmosphere of Pelleas et Melisande, with its harmonious whirl of symbols which
envelops the characters in agonising sweetness. He did not belong to this world intellectually and
psychologically saturated with refined drugs: he was a sane and unsophisticated man, who could not
conceive of making music express the sense of sin or the fluctuations of the uncertainty of
i24
existence.]
The question which presents itself at this point is, if this was his belief, why did Benco write a
libretto of that kind? The apparent contradiction does not necessarily mean that the librettist no
longer understood the composer, or that he cared any less, or lost interest in collaborating with
Smareglia. It seems reasonable to believe that once Benco agreed to write another libretto he
carried it out, devoted it to his own literary taste and interests. What is conspicuous is that the
libretto of Abisso completely reveals the influences on Benco: in Abisso there are clear
elements of Wilde, D'Annunzio, Poe and Maeterlinck for example.25 We could interpret
Benco's gesture as an attempt to direct the composer towards the then fashionable literary style
of Symbolism and Decadence.
Benco's Abisso can in many ways be recognised as his most typical libretto; the poet is once
more preoccupied with the inner world of the characters. Again, we have a text which offers no
contrasting dramatic effects: even the more aggressive parts of the plot, such as the scene of
Hanno's breaking into the cottage, the sexual 'assault' (act I) or the episodes of battle (act II
and III) occur as fragmentary evocative touches rather than violent and explosive uproar. Even
though Abisso was the first of Benco's libretti which had 'real' people, the poet's
characterisation is vague; in the course of the story we are not permitted to learn anything about
The last sentence of the translation can also be found in Matteo Sansone 1992, "Antonio Smareglia", in The New
Grove Dictionary ofOpera, ed. by S. Sadie, vol. 3, p. 418.
25
This aspect will be discussed in sections 3 and 4 of this chapter.
178
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Gisca's or Mariela's past. Throughout the plot the attitude of the two sisters is unconvincing,
for example Mariela's immediate flirting with the enemy in act I. With respect to the historical
background of the story, even though the plot is set during the famous Battle of Legnano, its
period is somehow less important than the destiny of the protagonists. As Salvetti pointed out,
Smareglia's Abisso "still shows greater difficulties in relation to Benco's text", the difficulties
being in the way in which the composer dealt with what appear to be the main aspects of the
text: symbolism, violence and eroticism were qualities which excited Benco's imagination
more than Smareglia's (Salvetti 1996: 461).
Thinking further about Salvetti's comment raises another important question about whether the
two artists ever discussed their work in progress? Did Smareglia ever try to avoid the
difficulties in any way by asking for changes in the libretto? As far as Abisso is concerned, the
available correspondence remains scanty. It is from Benco's Ricordi that we find out about the
major change regarding Abisso''s final scene, for example. According to Benco, it seems that
Smareglia hardly ever demanded any substantial changes in the versification or in the drama
itself:
L'estremo riguardo che egli usava verso i suoi librettisti, non volendo mai riuscir loro importuno, gli
impediva di chiedere la modificazione di un brano di scena o la sostituzione di qualche verso in
modo che s'accordassero meglio con l'onda lirica da lui immaginata. Si faceva quasi un punto
d'onore di musicare il testo com'era, e io non ricordo che egli mi chiedesse se non due o tre volte
qualche verso di piu per completare un periodo musicale in lui nato. Questo era bello di lui, ma con
un po' d'importunita avrebbe ottenuto anche il meglio. [Benco, Ricordi, p. 79]
[The extreme respect with which he treated his librettists, not wanting ever to bother them,
prevented him from asking for the modification of a scene or for the replacement of some lines, in
order for them to fit in better with the flow of the music he imagined. For him it was almost a point
of honour to set the text to music the way it was, and I cannot recall him asking me for extra lines in
order to complete a musical idea already imagined, on more than two or three occasions. This was
very fine of him, but with a bit more insistence, he would have achieved his best.]
Surprising words by Benco! His comment seems to indicate his readiness, if necessary, to
rewrite his verses. However, there are reasons to believe that the poet's flexibility, in respect to
his own texts, was questionable. There are a few letters, even within the published collection,
which enable us to examine the "two or three instances" mentioned by Benco. More
importantly, however, in the series of unpublished letters, we learn that Smareglia asks in detail
for various modifications of both the Falena and Abisso libretti.26 Although the composer may
26
These letters are discussed in Chapter IV section IV. 4. ii. See Appendix B for the transcription of the original
letters.
179
Chapter VI -Abisso - the explosion of the senses
seem not so demanding of his librettist, in comparison with the rigorous practices of Verdi or
Puccini for example, the unpublished documents reveal that there were numerous occasions on
which he did ask for changes of a verse or an individual scene. For example, in the case of
Abisso, there were moments in the libretto which Smareglia found to be expressed "too
realistically", so he asked Benco for a change: in fact, some of the words uttered by Mariela in
act I, such as "Vorrei piacergli", were omitted in the newer version of Abisso. More
importantly, in the same letter, the composer points out to Benco the problems of the
concluding scene of act II. As Smareglia put it, they ought to do something about the two
sisters, who remain on stage during the scene of the battle, and yet have very little to say or to
do; "in this way it is impossible to avoid their inactivity and awkward situation".27 On another
occasion, the composer demands a different metric structure: complaining of the way in which
Benco changed two lines, Smareglia insists on needing "two independent lines", of which the
second needs to be a "settenario with the accent on the second syllable", in order to fit his
music. In the same letter, he wonders whether the scene with the "campanaro" is necessary at
all, since he utters only few words. Although Smareglia did not get what he wanted in all of
these instances, this kind of information confirms the composer's involvement in the
modifications of the libretti.
Several letters in the published edition, written by Benco between 1903 and 1912, are
particularly illuminating. Besides learning about the kind of modifications (of Falena), we are
given an insight into what their discussions were like. Benco's attitude, once Smareglia asked
for an alteration, is interesting primarily because it varies. Although the details regarding the
changes in question are mentioned in Chapter IV, it should be noted that, when providing new
verses for the end of act III, the scene which leads to the finale of the opera, Benco appears
detached, leaving the ultimate decision to the composer: "you do as you wish".28 Yet on another
occasion, there is a different kind of response; the poet urged Smareglia to leave the text as it
is: "there is no need to make Uberto more interesting".2' In another example of an answer given
by Benco, the poet begins to get involved in the composition itself, suggesting the changes
which Smareglia should make in regards to Stellio and Albina's vocal part: "it is necessary to
continue, and create a cantilena which, in its character, will be suitable both to the situations of
both [Stellio] and [Albina].30 This is the way to create a richer vocal effect".31
27
Letter n. 1251, see Appendix B.
28
"Ma fa tu come credi", see letter n. 13, in Antonio Smareglia, Lettere. For more detailed discussions of the
changes in questions, see Chapter IV.
29
"Non c'e nessun bisogno di renderlo [Uberto] piu interessante", from letter n. 40, in Antonio Smareglia, Lettere, p.
69.
30
The scene is placed half way through act I of Falena. Benco comments that the voices of Albina and Stellio sing
"too short". See letter n. 41, ibid. p. 71.
180
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
As mentioned earlier in this section, comments such as those found in Benco's letters enable us
to get a partial insight into the teamwork of Benco and Smareglia. To judge from the letters
they exchanged at the time, the revisions of operas went less smoothly then one might assume.
The impression one gets is that Benco, although still taking the task of altering his libretto
seriously, regarded this activity as one of secondary importance. His apparent detachment
could be explained not by a lack of interest in what Smareglia wished to change, but by the
minor significance he accorded to libretto writing in general. Benco's confidence in what he
had already written, as well as his suggestions to the composer of what music should sound
like, confirm the fact that although libretto writing was a marginal activity for the poet, he still
believed his texts to be well written and capable of inspiring the composer. The exception to
this was Abisso. With this opera Benco had to admit that Smareglia was right in choosing a
different finale: to make it more dramatic, Smareglia suggested that Hanno should get wounded
and die, whereas in Benco's original text he is captured by the Lombards and led away.
Although in this opera Benco's text and Smareglia's music were not as closely integrated as in
their previous achievements, at its premiere Abisso was still recognised to be "new, the highest
document of the powerful talent, of the [musical] learning of Antonio Smareglia".3"
VI. 4 The libretto of Abisso
i. The choice ofsubject
The novelty in Benco's libretto for Abisso is his decision to choose a definite historical
framework for it. This was not the case for his previous two texts for music, the imaginary
"dramatic legend" of Falena, and the "fantastic comedy" of Oceana. To judge from two other
libretti the poet had written during the same period for Malipiero, Elen e Fuldano (1907-8) and
Canossa (1911-12), it seems that Benco's imagination was preoccupied with episodes from
Italian history.33 Besides the historical scenes, the plot of Abisso and Canossa involved
violence, perverted sensuality and barbarity, which Salvetti summarised as "Mediaevalism
34
pervaded by moral monstrosities which do not leave much space for lyricism". It is important
"Bisogna continuare, affidare una cantilena in carattere con le posizioni all'una e all'altro... in modo di avere una
impressione vocale piu ricca...", from letter n. 41, ibid. p. 71.
32
"L'Abisso e nuovo altissimo documento dell'ingegno poderoso, della sapienza di Antonio Smareglia", G. B.
Nappi, in La Perseveranza, 11 February 1914.
33
J. C. Waterhouse mentions Benco's other two libretti, describing them as follows: "Canossa, come gia Elen e
Fuldano, ha un libretto ... privo di vero movimento dramatico e ambientato nell'epoca medievale", see Waterhouse,
La musica di Gian Francesco Malipiero, p. 36.
34
"Medioevo percorso da mostruosita morali, che non lasciano facile spazio a cantabilita liriche", in Salvetti, "II
novecento italiano", p. 465.
181
Chapter VI -Abisso - the explosion of the senses
to note that Salvetti, in discussing Italian opera of the novecento, considered Benco's libretti as
among those he called dannunzianiIndeed, a closer look at the other works of the kind which
were written in the first two decades of the twentieth century reveals a series of operas which
were based on texts by D'Annunzio himself, or which involved a similar kind of subject.
It can be said that by 1906, the year in which Benco wrote the text of Abisso, Italian opera was
enriched by the work of a new dramatic poet, Gabriele D'Annunzio. In that year his pastoral
tragedy La figlia di Iorio was performed as a new opera by Franchetti, for which D'Annunzio
personally prepared the libretto. During the same period the poet was also trying to collaborate
with Puccini. Although Puccini was never satisfied with D'Annunzio's texts, commenting still
in 1914 that "the poet is bad for the lyric theatre", all three of the proposed ideas which he
discarded were destined to be set to music.36 Parisina, Rosa di Ciprio (the future La Pisanelle,
ou la mort parfumee) and La crociata degli innocenti (the future Le Martyre de Saint
Sebastien) were chosen by Mascagni (Milan 1913), Pizzetti (Paris 1913) and Debussy (Paris
1911) respectively.37 Besides these theatrical works by D'Annunzio, there were others which
entered the operatic repertory in the same decade, such as Mancinelli's Paolo e Francesco
(Bologna 1907), Zandonai's Francesco da Rimini (Milan 1914) and Pizzetti's Fedra (Milan
1915). Works of a similar character created at the time were Cilea's Gloria (Milan 1907) and
Zandonai's Conchita (Milan 1911), the latter being another of the many subjects considered by
Puccini when he was interested in Louys's novel Lafemme et le pantin.
Benco's Abisso is typical of the sort of dramas and novels mentioned. The decision to adopt a
historical setting and the interest in psychological realism which can be recognised in Abisso,
were to an extent influenced by his admiration for Maeterlinck and Ibsen.38 A direct
resemblance to certain elements of the plot can be found in other works D'Annunzio was
writing at the time. Although it would be excessive to examine all of those texts fully, by
pointing out some of the most distinctive features of their plots, of the setting or of the
characters themselves, it is possible to recognise how Benco's texts fitted into this period. For
example, the immoral relationships and sensual attitudes among the protagonists of Abisso
Cf. with the mention in Chapter 1.1.
36
"II Poeta porta male al teatro lirico", see Tedeschi, D'Annunzio e la musica, p. 53.
37
It should be mentioned that La Pisanelle, ou la mort parfumee was a comedy (prologue and three acts) for which
Pizzetti composed incidental music, while Debussy's Le Martyre de Saint Sebastien was a mistero (prologue and
five acts). Only Parisina was an opera.
38
Although it is not certain whether Benco had read later works of Maeterlinck, the writer's plays written after 1900
(such as Marie-Magdaleine, Monna Vanna) reveal historical settings and acquired a greater moral interest. It should
be noted that Benco absorbed Ibsen's writings, referring to him on numerous occasions in his articles (see his Scritti
di critica letteraria). Furthermore, Benco's later novels (such as Nell'atmosphera del sole, 1914 and
Contemplazione del disordine 1946, and the two plays (L'Uomo malato and La bilancia) deal to a great extent with
moral issues. I owe the suggestion of the possible influences of Maeterlinck and Ibsen on Abisso to Dr. Paul
Barnaby.
182
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
parallel the incestuous passion between Leonardo and his sister Biancamaria (in La citta morta,
1896), between Ugo and his stepmother Stella (in Parisina 1913), Fedra and her stepson
Ippollito (in Fedra 1909), and Aldo and his sister Isabella (in the novel Forse che si,forse che
no, 1910). In this last novel "the excitement of passions and states of mind ...desires and
rancors explode passionately" and are manifested in its characters: there are two sisters whose
destiny resembles that of Mariela and Gisca in Abisso, as Vana is led to suicide and Isabella
becomes mad.39 It is particularly important to stress that some of the above mentioned texts
were written by D'Annunzio long after Benco's creation of Abisso. Yet, D'Annunzio made
such an impact on the literature of the time that Benco was clearly picking up on that style in
his own writings.40
ii. "How Abisso was created" (Come e nato FAbisso)
In inventing the story of Abisso and linking it with a famous event from the past, Benco, unlike
D'Annunzio, disregarded the pre-existing plays written by other Italian writers. Furthermore,
he evoked the Middle Ages not because he was stimulated by archaic language, as was the case
with D'Annunzio, for example in his Francesco da Rimini (1901), and La Pisanelle, ou la mort
parjumee (1913). In an interview two days prior to the premiere of Abisso, Benco had the
opportunity to talk about his new libretto.4' His commentary on the occasion was by no means
elaborate and defensive, as had been the case with Falena, or ambitious as in his introductory
note to Oceana. With Abisso, Benco briefly described how the subject of the opera was created:
L'opera e nata dal fondersi di due temi drammatici: quello delle due sorelle travolte in una avventura
di guerra e quello della Lega Lombarda, a noi suggerito dalla lettura di alcune sirventesi dell'epoca.
Si puo dire che il secondo atto si sia formato intorno ad una sirventese, che ne e quasi il tema
dominante. Introdotta l'azione nell'epoca della Lega Lombarda, ne nacque la figura del frate, che e
il personaggio tipico dell'atto secondo, il personaggio che viene a portare, tra la brutalita e
l'erotismo dell'avventura di guerra, un soffio di spiritualita: violenta anch'essa, tutta medioevale, ma
nondimeno elevatrice e purificatrice.
[The opera was created by fusing two dramatic themes: the theme of the two sisters caught in an
adventure [incident] of war, and the theme of the Lombard League, suggested to us from the reading
39
The quotation is as follows: "scatenamento di passioni e di stati d'animo, ... qui desideri e rancori esplodono
apertamente", from Mutterle, Gabriele D'Annunzio, p. 90.
Although D'Annunzio's own plagiarism was widely known and was subjected to the polemics of Enrico Thovez.
For more information see John Woodhouse 1998, Gabriele D'Annunzio: Defiant Archangel. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
41
From the article in II Corriere della Sera, 8 February 1914, s. a. The excerpt from the same text has been quoted
in other sources, such as in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 248-250.
183
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
of some sirventes of that era. It could be said that the second act is developed around one such
sirvente, which is almost its dominant theme. Once the era of the Lombard League was introduced,
the figure of the priest emerged spontaneously. He is the typical character in the second act, the
character who carries a breath of spirituality amid the brutality and eroticism of this war incident.
The action is violent too, wholly medieval, but nevertheless uplifting and purifying.]
Although Benco decided to create a new story around a famous historical event, the choice of
the Battle of Legnano was for him not at all coincidental, as might at first appear. Abisso was,
as he recalled in one of his letters, an opera "of much interest for the Lombards" (Smareglia
1974: 79). As revealed in his Ricordi, what he was hoping for at the time was to "touch the
soul" of the audience, and help Smareglia regain his popularity in the city (Benco 1968: 129).
After all, one critic writing on Benco's earlier libretti commented that his stories lacked
"national character". La Battaglia di Legnano and the period of the Lega Lombarda were
remembered as among the most important episodes of Italian history, and would, as was the
case with Verdi's opera of the same name, "stir every man with an Italian soul in his bosom".42
However, it seems more sensible to remember Benco's own nationalistic aspirations, in
particular since his own hometown, Trieste, was at the time still under the Habsburg Empire.
Being a fervent Italian patriot all his life, Benco had joined the irredentisti, and had been
writing for the irredentists' newspaper, If Indipendente in Trieste. Still, to judge from the
reviewers of the opera, the dramatic atmosphere ofAbisso was hardly about the battle itself.
iii. The nature of the plot
Benco's own way of fusing two themes within the plot, creating a drama about two young
women whose innocence is, in a time of war, violated and then destroyed by the enemy, was at
the time of the opera's premiere found to be most original. By then, the critics expected his
libretti to be different from any other operatic text of the time, and his imagination to invent
"the strangest situations".43 In the case of Abisso, the correspondent of 11 Secolo saw the
element of patriotism created "outside the conventions of the historical drama".44 E. A. Berta,
from II Corriere della Sera, had, in fact, described Benco's Abisso as a non-historical drama,
set against a historical background where the historical elements were "decorative". However,
42
The comment of Cammarano to Verdi is quoted from Kimbell, Verdi in the Age ofItalian Romanticism, p. 562.
"L'arte poetica e la forbita fantasia di Silvio Benco ci abbiano addestrati alle piu strane situazioni - il terzo atto
dell'Oceana informi...", from II Sole, 11 February 1914, s. a. The same article is quoted in Mario Smareglia, Antonio
Smareglia, pp. 273-275, and signed N. N. [?].
44
The full quotation is as follows: "fissato in libcrta di fantasia, aH'infuori dei segni convenzionali del dramma
storico", by [G. C.] in II Secolo, 11 February 1914.
184
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
the plot itself was generally found to be insufficiently interesting, the scenes not persuasive and
the characters not well defined by their author.
What some of the reviewers did find particularly curious was the inner drama of the
protagonists, the "whirling drama of souls" as Italo Camillo Martelli called it. This drama was,
for an anonymous critic of II Corriere della Sera, "based on the sudden explosion of some
strange passions in the two sisters". Furthermore, the critic commented that theatrically, the
course of the opera seemed "strange", because the action evolved more through the narrative
than through the events themselves. It was noticed that the actual Battle of Legnano was barely
mentioned, while Benco had dedicated most attention to the sensual and emotional world of his
characters. An anonymous writer for II Piccolo, discussing the plot of Abisso, sensed that: "the
libretto is not concerned with evoking the ambience, or with the veristic creation of historical
events of the time; instead it is completely focused on condensing an atmosphere of dramatic
poetry around the characters." 45
It is relevant to notice that one reviewer remarked how "in some aspects Abisso could appear
similar to Falena; there too, a soul is submerged by the senses".46 Benco first turned his
imagination to the inner world of his characters very early in his career, at the time of writing
his first text for music, La Falena (1895).47 What is apparent at this point is that the descriptions
of Abisso, such as "una febbre esistenziale, una spirale d'angoscia", "un'abisso
d'inquietudine", "schiavitu erotica", "erotismo di Benco", could be used also when defining the
story of Falena™ While in Falena the emphasis was placed on the destructive forces which
agitate the human subconscious, Abisso openly deals with sensual violence and immoral
behaviour. In other words, it is clear that Benco's last libretto brings back the type of themes
which most strongly recall the artistic movement of literary Decadence.
iv. The element oferoticism in the drama
The implicit eroticism of the story was perhaps the side of Abisso which its audience felt most
uneasy about. In one of the more recent reviews, written by Massimo Mila, the author saw the
"...II libretto non si preoccupa, nella evocazione deH'ambiente, o nelle ricostruzioni veristiche, dei fatti storici
avvenuti in quei tempi, sibbene e tutto rivolto a condensare attorno ai personaggi un'atmosfera di poesia
drammatica", from II Piccolo di Trieste, 21 January 1926. There are two articles, published on 21 and 22 January
1926 in this newspaper, prior to Abisso's premiere in Trieste (26 January 1926), which depict the opera in similar
terms.
46
«"Sotto certi aspetti Abisso potrebbe sembrare affine a Falena. Anche la un'anima resta sommersa dai sensi...",
from II Piccolo di Trieste, 27 January 1926.
47
Cf. Chapter IV. 3.
48
The quotations are selected from the critical reviews of Abisso written by Gori in II Piccolo, 5 February 1975 and
Isotta, "II fascino malato <1F\YAbisso", in II Giornale degli Spettacoli, 6 Feburary 1979.
185
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
subject of Abisso as "completely enclosed within the boundaries of erotic lust"."9 Furthermore,
Mila regretted that Benco's libretti were "of a completely literary extraction, written in
dannunzian language so dated as to touch upon the absurdity of kitsch, ... they are abstract
dramatic hypotheses, which do not have roots in any reality of conscience or custom".50 Since
in Abisso there is an echo of the sensuous worlds of D'Annunzio and Wilde for example, it
appears obvious that Benco was very aware of the currently fashionable subjects.
We have pointed out earlier in this chapter the closeness of Benco's and D'Annunzio's literary
styles; a more elaborate example was given through the comparison of La figlia di Iorio and
Falena, in Chapter IV. In the case of the writings of OscarWilde, it is not certain if Benco had
read Salome in particular. There are certainly "echos of Salome" since the themes, ideas and
atmosphere of Abisso in many ways recall Wilde's play." This is primarily because of the
emphasis given in both texts to the erotic, and to the immoral and neurotic relationships in the
plot. We can recognise some of the aspects of Wilde's characters in Abisso: for example
Herod's unlawful union with Herodiade (wife of his brother), his inebriation, his weariness
with Herodiade and lust for Salome are in many ways present in the figure of the warrior
Hanno. As the story unfolds, the atmosphere in Abisso gradually turns morbid; its leading
characters, Mariela and Hanno in particular, just like the characters in Salome, become
obsessed with perversity, which eventually leads towards catastrophe.
When Schmidgall discusses Strauss's Salome and the literary sources which lie behind Wilde's
play, among the authors mentioned are Baudelaire, Flaubert, Mallarme and Edgar Allan Poe.
The author draws attention to Poe's ability "to infuse a kind of nervous psychic energy", a
feature which influences Wilde's play and to which Strauss responds in his music (Schmidgall
1977: 252). The following quotation, which Schmidgall gives to support his viewpoint, tells of
Poe's preoccupations, at the same time summarising the kind of anxieties and themes of lust
which were to appeal to many writers, including Benco:
There is in man ... a mysterious force which modern philosophy does not wish to take into
consideration; nevertheless, without this nameless force ... a host of human action will remain
unexplained, inexplicable. These actions are inexplicable only because they are bad or dangerous;
they possess the fascination of the abyss. This primitive, irresistible force is natural Perversity,
49
"Totalmente chiuso entro l'orizzonte della foia erotica", in La Stampa, 6 February 1979.
50
"...D'estrazione totalmente letteraria, scritti in un linguaggio dannunziano cosi datato da sfiorare il ridicolo del
kitsch, ... sono ipotesi drammatiche astratte, che non affondano radici in nessuna realta di coscienza ne di costume,
from La Stampa, 6 February 1979.
51
Fedele D'Amico pointed out that there are "echoes" of Salome in Abisso. Cf. D'Amico 1980, "Antonio
Smareglia", in The New Grove Dictionary ofMusic andMusicians, ed. by S. Sadie, vol. 17, pp. 387 - 388.
186
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
which makes man constantly and simultaneously a murderer and a suicide, an assassin and a
hangman." [Edgar Allan Poe, in Schmidgall, Literature as Opera, pp. 253-4]5"
Benco's fascination with the unknown forces which disturb the human subconscious, as well as
the interest in eroticism itself were revealed in the concept of his first libretto, Falena. The kind
of morbid atmosphere created around the King, Stellio, and the night spirit, Falena, is explored
further in Abisso-, as Isotta pointed out, "morbid, indefinite atmosphere ... mirrors the nature of
Abisso"." This time Benco included in the plot more destructive events, such as 'sexual
violence' (end of act I), adultery (act II), and murder (act III), which therefore led him to
express the verses in a more direct language. However, unlike Wilde in Salome for example,
Benco did not create vivid images of passion or perversity in his text. An example of the
contrast between the two texts can be seen when looking at Salome's long speech addressed to
Jochanaan (in act I of Strauss's opera):
"Jochanaan!
I am amorous of thy body, Jochanaan!
Thy body is white
like the lilies ofa field
untouched by the reaper.
Thy body is white like the snows
on the hills ofJudea.
The roses in the garden of the Arabian Queen
are not as white as thy body,
nor the roses in the Queen's garden,
nor the feet of the dawn
alighting on the leaves,
not the breast of the moon
when she lies on the breast of the sea.
Nothing in the world
is as white as thy body.
Suffer me to touch thy body."
Instead of elaborate and obsessive discourses of lust, as uttered by Salome, Benco's characters
use detached, shorter lines, to express their desires. We can find numerous such lines
throughout the libretto accompanying the barbaric behaviour of Hanno, Vito, or Mariela. An
The quotation from Baudelaire's essay on Poe derives from the preamble to Poe's tale The Imp of the Perverse, in
Tales ofMystery and Imagination. I shall like to thank Dr. Paul Barnaby for the advice in this area.
"Quelle atmosfere morbose e indefinite ... [rispecchiano] la natura di Abisso", Paolo Isotta, in his article "II
fascino malato dell'Aftwso", in II Giornale degli Spettacoli, 6 February 1979.
187
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
example can be seen in act I, when, on his arrival at the peasants' cottage, the German warrior
Hanno faces Gisca, saying:
"Ha, ha! Come e bella!
Questa ribelle meco vo' condurre!
Altro vedrai, camozza, che i tuoi monti,
altro vedrai, se duri fino a I'alba
la sete che ho di te!..." [libretto, p. 12-13]
[Ha, ha! How beautiful she is!
This rebel I shall take with me!
You shall see other things than your mountains, camozza,
You shall see other things, if my hunger for you
lasts until the dawn!...]
Moreover, Benco's stage directions stimulate further the erotic component, as in the following
example: "He hesitates at first, then grasps again at her, bends the resisting [Gisca] in order to
kiss her lips, holding both of her wrists".54 In order to see how Smareglia responded to such
literary stimulus, let us turn to the music.
VI. 5 Music
His music often seemed to exist alongside the drama instead of being properly geared to it.
[Waterhouse, The Emergence ofModern Italian Music, p. 58]
Although Waterhouse's observation applies to all three Benco - Smareglia operas, it is
particularly accurate in the case of Abisso. While with Falena and especially Oceana the
composer succeeded in fusing Benco's text with his music, it seems that with the subject of
Abisso Smareglia achieved a different kind of 'compromise'. The present section has the
purpose of investigating what was the composer's response to the features of Benco's drama
mentioned earlier in this chapter; Abisso's dark story, obsessed with eroticism in a time of war,
seemed hardly suitable for a composer of such purely musical inclination. Compared with
Oceana and Falena, Abisso's libretto differs primarily because of its realistic setting. However,
despite such a background, Benco's verses were phrased more in an evocative language, with
half-expressed meanings, creating images often in a manner close to the Symbolists: an
example can be found at the very beginning of the libretto, when Gisca and Mariela comment
"Egli esita un istante, poi la riaferra, curva sotto di s6 la ripugnante per baciarle la bocca, tenendola ad ambo i
polsi", see Benco [n. d.], Abisso: dramma lirico in tre atti, Milan: Casa Musicale Sonzogno, p. 22.
188
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
that the "The night talks! The night sings! The night is alone", or in the old Anselmo's reply
"The more quiet the night is, the deeper it talks..."."
Although such poetic verses were still "provocative of music", as an anonymous critic called
them, the drama they articulated was more introverted and unlike Oceana's picturesque settings
it suggested more dissonant images." It is curious to find a similar parallel in the late paintings
of Bocklin, which were also recognised as more gloomy and full of sharp contrasts." As we
have seen, Bocklin was an artist whose work deeply influenced Benco and of whom, curiously,
Louis Laloy thought when commenting on the illustrations of Strauss's Salome. The quotation
can be found in Schmidgall's book: "the music of Mr. Strauss is far from resembling the
compositions of Beardsly [sic] ... it recalls rather the crude and fiery colors of Bocklin"
(Schmidgall 1977: 271).58 Nevertheless, even though Benco's was an expression of a
psychological drama which fused two contrasting themes (of love and war), most of the
conflicts in the plot, as well as the development of the characters, were articulated less
powerfully. There are, as one critic had noticed, many "theatrically dangerous episodes"
(teatralmente episodi pericolosi) in the libretto. Such features of the poet's work had
repercussions on the opera's structure.
i. Symphonism in opera - "dramma sinfonizzato"59
The discussion of Smareglia's music, as of Benco's libretto, began in the critical reviews
written at the time of the opera's premiere. A large number of critics thought that there was,
similarly to Oceana, "too much music" in Abisso, which may seem surprising if we consider
the material Benco provided in the libretto. The musical flow was seen as too dense and too
continuous, so that at the end of the opera more than one journalist felt tired, expressing a
desire for "some short break" (G. B. Nappi). In his remark Nappi pointed out how the music
was "melodious music from beginning to end in the orchestra and often on stage", emphasising
that the actual drama resided in the orchestra.60
Gisca: La notte parla! Mariela: La notte canta! Gisca: La notte e sola. Anselmo: Piu tace la notte e piu profonda
parla..., ibid., pp. 1-2.
"Versi provocatori di musica", from II Sole, 11 February 1914.
About the late phase of Bocklin's work, see Rolf Andree, Arnold Bocklin.
58
The composer who also found similarities between the art of Bocklin and that of Richard Strauss was Claude
Debussy. See Richard Langham Smith 1977, ed. and trans., Debussy on Music, London: Seeker and Warburg, p.
270.
59
The comment written by Gaianus, in II Resto del Carlino, 26 January 1926.
60
"Musica melodica da cima a fondo in orchestra e spesso sul palcoscenico", in La Perseveranza, 11 February 1914.
189
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
The symphonism was the feature of the opera most keenly discussed among the critics. It was
thought that the composer approached the work by blending what Italian critics called forma
sinfonica with dramma musicato. The result was, as with Oceana, a symphonic poem with
added voices. The critic G. B. Nappi went as far as warning the audience about the possibility
of a misunderstanding: it could seem that the composer added the words or the voices to an
instrumental work composed previously.61 Agostino Cameroni, who can be taken as a
representative of a whole series of opinions, described the flow of music in Abisso as
"uninterrupted symphony". Another critic was struck by "dramatic inefficiency" in the opera,
pointing out that Smareglia's talent for symphonism "... overwhelms ... the [effective]
expression of dramatic elements".62 It was understood that Smareglia was creating his own rules
in composing the opera: he was extending "the rights of the music .. .in order to exalt the lyrical
drama also with the elements of symphonism".63
What seems most fascinating in analysing the score of Abisso is the independence of the
instrumental commentary in it. Some critics, such as Vito Levi, thought that this "expanded"
symphonism was "pushed to the limit", and was designed by the composer in order to
incorporate into it the tension of the text. To support this view, one interesting musical moment
might be examined: the beginning of act HI (prelude and scene I). Besides providing a most
curious example of the composer's independent musical writing, it is perhaps one of
Smareglia's most inspired musical movements. In contrast to the turbulent dramatic ending of
the second act (the battlefield, along with Gisca's nervous breakdown), act III is in a
completely different mood. It is the part of the drama placed in a castle in Lombardy, one
month after the battle (act II) between the German enemy and the Lombards, during which
Hanno, Mariela and Gisca became imprisoned. As Benco suggested in his stage setting, it is a
bright morning ofMay, illustrated on the stage with "the immense space of the sky".64
The composer introduces this setting with the only real orchestral introduction in the opera.65
What distinguishes this brief prelude from the rest of the music of Abisso is its unusual
character: the mood it creates gives the impression of an orchestral fantasia [see Example VI
A],
61
The full quotation is as follows: "...tanto da ingenerare quasi l'errato sospetto che egli abbia sovrapposte le parole
ad un lavoro istrumentale precedentemente composto", in La Perseveranza, 11 February 1914.
62
"Soverchia ... l'estrinsecazione degli elementi drammatici", in II Secolo, 11 February 1914.
63
Nappi explains that Smareglia extends "...i diritti della vera musica ... per far assurgere il dramma lirico anche
cogli elementi del sinfonismo, G. B. Nappi, in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 261.
64
"A1 di la della cinta merlata non si vede altro che lo spazio immenso del cielo, in un limpido mattino di maggio",
from the libretto, p. 51.
65
Rather than a full overture, the brief orchestral introduction at the beginning of the opera has more the function of
a prologue in which the opera's five leading motifs are announced. Only several of the leitmotifs are mentioned
here; their names have been chosen by the author, and for the most part, correspond with Perpich, II teatro musicale.
190
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Example VI A: Abisso, act III, Prelude, v. s. p. 156-158
Atto terzo.
Una ierraxxa sul torrione del caalello. La guernlsconu Inlorno tnerll possenil • In greve ordlne continuano su la clnla nturala del
borgo. Una anguxta scala Incassata nella muraglia conduce al piani Inferior! della rocca. Sopra la scala si erge, construtlo nel vivo
della muraiura, un piccolo sarrario, e leva la sua campana all'aria libera, Ira merlo e merlo. Una larga fune pentola dalla campana
191
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Example VI A , v. s. p. 157
192
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Example VI A, v. s. p. 158
i:>s
It could be said that the movement consists of new thematic material in comparison to the
previous two acts: the only exception is a short theme associated with the character of Gisca
[see Example VI B] incorporated in the main melodic contour [see Example VI C, iii on p.
195]:
Example VI B: Gisca
tJ
193
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Though essentially a long, single theme, its colour continuously changes as it is played first by
clarinet solo, then the oboe, flute, gradually involving the rest of the woodwind instruments and
horns. As in a dialogue (between the woodwinds with horns, and with occasional contributions
from violins), the instruments delicately create an unbroken polyphonic melody, whose
harmony is defined by the protracted pedal on A and by the tremolo in violas. We notice the
composer's particularly imaginative orchestration as, half way through the prelude, violins
intensify the sound by gradually taking over the main thematic line from the woodwinds. The
harmonic background which envelops this texture is coloured simply: for the first half of the
prelude the composer employs the sustained pedal on the tonic, above which there are chords
on principally dominant and subdominant of A major. In the central part of the movement we
can observe a series of widely spaced modulations, establishing the keys of a minor, F major, d
minor, C major and E major [see v. s. p. 156/5/4 to 157/3/3]. The varied repetition and
interlacing of fragments of the main theme is accompanied by light orchestration, with a telling
colouristic contribution from harp.66
Although the orchestral texture of this prelude mainly consists of new material, a closer
examination reveals that some of its parts resemble themes or motifs encountered in
Smareglia's earlier operas, in Oceana for example. In the prelude to act II of Oceana (the sea
nocturne) there were two themes of particularly meditative character; both were played by the
woodwind instruments and had a refined orchestral accompaniment. These two themes were
associated with Nersa and were used to intensify the poetic atmosphere rather than for dramatic
effect [cf. Chapter V, themes 12 and 12a]. The music of this prelude is in a similarly poetic
manner. Following the three introductory bars of the orchestra repeating, in a vivace, the
figures on a broken A major triad, there is a molto tranquillo section. The sinuous phrasing of
the principal theme is continuously intensified by its apparently endless movement during
which Smareglia reiterates seemingly the same material. During the course of the gradual
unfolding of this melody, we can discern seven different fragments [see Example VI C]:
66
The purpose of this description is to highlight some of the particularities (of orchestration, for example) which
cannot be seen in the vocal score. The contribution from the harp is particularly noticeable as accompaniment to
Mariela, once she appears on stage [see v. s. p. 158/2/1 to 162/1/3].
194
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Example VI C: Abisso, act III, fragments of the main theme
Although of a similar mood, we can notice that these single or two bars phrases are
characterised by distinctly ascending or (and) descending motion [fragment ii, iv, v, vi, vii], by
employing a triplet at the end of the phrase [fragment iv, v, vi], by syncopation [fragment iii,
iv, v, vi] or by dotted rhythm [all fragments iv]. It is noticeable that their melodic contour
often involves the intervals of a perfect fourth or of a fifth, used irregularly. More importantly,
we can perceive the theme constantly being decorated with a startling number of appoggiaturas,
as well as with passing notes, and anticipations, resembling expressive Wagnerian turn of
phrase, but also the orchestral writing of Gustav Mahler.
As the orchestral texture gradually extends further, intensifying the sound by assembling (at
last), the main theme both in the violins and the woodwinds, the prelude is brought to an end; it
is signaled by the repetition of the first three introductory bars of the movement. However, as
the curtain rises, we hear the greater part of the prelude again. This time the composer includes
Mariela's voice: we see her walking happily on the terrace of the castle's tower. Apparently
without a care of being imprisoned, she is happily in love, expressing her serenity by
195
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
addressing the sun and the light of which she feels a part.67 The reason why the composer
repeated the music of the prelude immediately afterwards, in scene I, is because its atmosphere
is about Mariela. We notice that the composer fuses her melody into the orchestral texture by
treating the voce similarly to an instrument. In fact, at first Mariela echoes the melodic phrases
which were heard previously in the flute or in the clarinet [see Example VI D a, b, d].68
Examples VID: Abisso, act III
Mariela
o. s. p. 15, bars 1-3
I -T-J. -r-n
a)
text: Mi av - vol - gi mi au -re - o - li, o lu - ce!
fti =» - J—* 7 ir-v K a
o.s. p3. bars 1-3 clarinct/Ilutc
Mariela
o. s. p. 16, bars 1-4
text: I Ion - ta - ni me- i mon-ti ti ver -sa -noa flut - ti su i pia - ni!
o.s. p. 4, bars 1 -4
Mariela
yyt
o. s. p. 17.bars 1-4 text: Oha me tut -ti li- qui -dimo-ni-li gem -ma
C)
o. s. p. 17, bars 1-4 violins
uut £ ■£' »
67
The critic Mario Nordio described Mariela as singing "to the sun", in 11 Piccolo, 10 February 1914, while Levi
described it as an "inno al mattino", in the programme booklet of the Teatro Verdi di Trieste, 1979.
68
Another example of the voice underlying the orchestral melody can be see in the second half of act II, in a short
scene, following Gisca's attempt to kill Hanno [see v. s. p. 134-136].
196
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Mariela
o. s. p. 18, bars 1-3
Mariela
At other times, the voice is immersed in the orchestral polyphony: its melodies emerge,
underlining the expression of solo flute [see Example d], or violins [see Example c]. Although
it principally follows the theme's (pre-existing) melodic contour, the voice never dominates.
Instead, it intensifies the poetic atmosphere, giving at this point something of the structure of a
'song for voice and orchestra': Mariela's happiness radiates, as she feels herself to be "la
sorella del sole".
This light, improvisational manner in which the composer adds the voice to the orchestral
fabric, is intensified with the entrance of Hanno. Unfolding in the form of a dialogue, the scene
is the last iove' duet, which precedes the ultimate catastrophe of the opera's finale. In no other
scene does Smareglia's music seem so consistently attuned to the significance of the text and
situation. Set as a single unified piece, the duet fuses together a series of melodious passages
(Mariela) and more declamato parts (Hanno), corresponding to the character's feelings.69 When
Hanno appears, Mariela is still daydreaming on the castle terrace; his appearance is at first
accompanied by a short instrumental passage in which the violins carry on with the prelude
music, gradually raising it to the highest registers. The idyllic mood however, threatens to
vanish. Underneath the fragile sonority we hear the dark resonance of violoncelli solo. Their
slow phrasing of the motif which throughout the opera is associated with Hanno, painfully
repeated, suggests that he feels miserable and physically weak [see v. s. p. 160/4/3]. He tries to
resist Mariela's radiant happiness by constantly reminding her of the horrible reality around
them. At first Hanno's line is immersed in the orchestral texture [in "Orsu, che piangi tu", v. s.
p. 161/1/1], occasionally echoing the music of the prelude. The passages which follow mark his
It seems relevant to point to the similarity of Hanno's 'entrance' in this scene as well as the manner in which
Smareglia develops this duet to the scene of Falena and Stellio in act II of Falena. Cf. Chapter IV. 5. ii, example IV
C.
197
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
temporary resistance to this pastoral mood: set in Un poco piii animato his voice ["Fuggire, qui
e la morte", v. s. p. 162/3/3] is more agitated at Mariela's ignorance of his life being in danger
["Ah non sail Udito non Thai tu" v. s. p. 164/4/1]. As he begins to comfort Mariela ("E te che
piangi"), we sense that he has given in [cf. Chapter I, Example I. 3. D, o. s. p. 25-26]. The
voices in the dialogue start to correspond, condensing into a passionate finale supported by an
all involving orchestra, and producing an effect equal to Puccini's thematic recalls [v. s. p.
168/3/4-171/3/1],
It could be said that this duet is lyrically effective to such an extent that, for a moment, the
listener forgets who these two characters really are. Smareglia's music communicates the kind
of passions which hardly depict a savage soldier and an immoral young woman - we hear the
sweet sound celebrating lovers close to the world of Tristan and Isolde. As Nicolaisen
described it, "the love duet characteristic of Italian opera after 1893 is an orchestrally
continuous affair with sequences that carry the voices ever higher" (Nicolaisen 1980: 253).
ii. Vocal writing in Abisso: "exasperating sing-song" (cantillazione snervante) G. C. II
Secolo, 1914.
Before investigating the examples of Smareglia's vocal writing in Abisso, let us for a moment
return to Waterhouse's comment quoted at the beginning of the section on music. As was
explained, the notion that in Smareglia's operas music seems to exist alongside the drama
applies to a certain extent to all three of the Benco - Smareglia operas. There is a prevailing
opinion that all of his operas are overabundant with music, and more specifically with Abisso,
that its subject was not exactly suitable for Smareglia's nature. On a broader scale, in the case
of this opera, Smareglia's music does in a certain way "exist alongside the drama". The
impression which one gets from reading Benco's text is notably different from the impression
one gets from listening to Smareglia's music. Nevertheless, it would be incorrect to declare
Smareglia's music as not in tune with its chosen subject, or that it is articulated in a completely
undramatic way, as the critic of II Secolo put it.
What we have in Abisso is Smareglia's different interpretation of the qualities of Benco's text.
The composer retained Benco's verses, but was far from attempting to set to music the morbid
elements of its triangle drama. Smareglia portrayed it in his own way; thus Hanno, Gisca and
Mariela show their softer side, musically behaving less vulgarly than in Benco's text. A good
example can be seen at the end of act I, in the brief and melodious dialogue between Gisca and
Hanno, at the moment in which she surrenders to the warrior [see Example VI E], Gisca's
'capitulation' is evoked in a brief lyrical arioso, with a particularly ardent beginning of her
phrase (stretching for an octave), which gradually winds its way down through appoggiaturas,
198
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
while Hanno's reply employs what was Gisca's melody from the beginning of the act
["L'uomo che m'amera", v. s. p. 13]:
Example VI E: Abisso, act I, Gisca: "M'hai fatta tua", v. s. p. 57-59
47
M'hai fat - U
199
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
39
i
,4
^ JiJiyp'ir
e pos^ao-gno-rao-diar
iM ,1!^ ili1 , liw M
me rue brae - cia mmed im-pre casm m- re co-meo-raim -
i
VP ' —--f
Km % 6«5I
cresc.
i y
—1—i*
4
|,l'|b r fi T1*'' [T |T
pre - co! Pren-di-mi:
1 Hanno.
u_T|
it It 1
io mi
un
do
hi
poco ritardandu
no!
48
a tempo
m i m fe k h,-i
4 (eslla un Instanle. poi riafferra Gisca. curva sotl
ripugnante, per baclarle la bocca. tenertdoU ad an
^ 7-H^' 1 1o dl se la A Id mie brae -
nbo i polsi.)
, un poco ritardando
-
_ P ate
cia ti donoil de-
mpo
)
! 1'P»n3n yja-n j$J,3hJ* 4-X- —* r r =*
Similarly to Hanno and Mariela in act III, both characters are given the expressiveness which
seems characteristic more of someone who is in love; what Smareglia evoked here is Gisca
sacrificing to Hanno everything of what she is, while Hanno tries utterly to win her attention. It
seems that the composer imagined the drama of Abisso from a different perspective: as the
critic Italo Camillo Martelli noticed, Smareglia "ennobled" characters' passions, making the
drama lighter by concealing much of what was essentially sexual and perverse in the story.
Martelli described it as the composer putting "sordino" on the erotic instincts which connect
the main protagonists. On the basis of this view, it is possible to comprehend better what
Benco meant in his comment that the opera was "quite interesting, although it has unusual
structure". The result was that Abisso was unlike what the poet wished to portray in his
libretto. Benco in his Ricordi confirmed this assumption by saying that Smareglia would never
be attracted by sexually disturbed characters such as Salome. ~ In order to illustrate the manner
in which Smareglia's music is dramatic in the opera, let us take a closer look at some parts of
the second act of the opera.
70
One scene in which the composer does follow the erotic element in the plot can be seen in act I of the opera [see v.
s. p. 29-30], It is the moment in which, as the German barbarian breaks into Anselmo's cottage, he first notices
Gisca. Smareglia evoked Hanno's lust by varying the orchestral texture, articulating changes of rhythm, by sudden
and short modulations, by accelerating Hanno's leitmotif (its harmony changing from the original, e minor, to E flat
major chord), and by the pulsation of chromatic bass notes, combined with short instrumental figure of two
semiquavers.
71
From Benco's letter to the composer, see p. 174 of this chapter.
See p. 178 of this chapter.
200
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
According to Benco's Ricordi, as well as to the writings of Smareglia's two sons, Act II was
the part of the opera which the composer first set to music. In one of the few articles written by
Smareglia himself, entitled "Come nascono le melodie?", the composer recalled that once
Benco had read him the finale of the second act, he thought the closing scene of the act to be
particularly complex and difficult to stage.73 Nevertheless, Smareglia had an immediate
inspiration as to how to carry it through music: "stopping for a moment, I heard in my mind an
orchestral movement of which I vaguely sang a few notes.. .".74 Although disappointingly vague
in his writing, Smareglia emphasised how, several months later, when setting this episode to
music, his mind recalled the same musical idea as when Benco first read him the text.
Set in a castle in Lombardy, act II is the part of the plot which depicts the life of the
protagonists after they have abandoned Anselmo's cottage: Hanno is inebriated, encouraging
vulgar behaviour towards the two sisters." The impression which this act leaves on a listener is
of a continuous and complex musico-dramatic texture. Within this texture, there are two
episodes which are particularly interesting because they enable us to see how far Smareglia
went in interpreting Benco's text. Besides having a crucial role in the story, Gisca's monologue
and the 'priest' scene which follows it, are the examples of the composer's music at its most
dramatically expressive.
It can be said that to a large extent the second act is concentrated on Gisca and her feelings.
From the start of the opera we notice that, in the moments which involve Gisca, her phrases,
although brief, are articulated with particular ardour. For example, the composer captures some
psychological details of her character by depicting her reactions with forceful melodies: there
are two instances in act I during which she interrupts Hanno's flirtatious comments towards her
sister [see Example VI F]. Composed in short arioso phrases [an eight-bar phrase, see v. s. p.
73-74, or four-bar phrase, p. 77-78], in both examples Gisca's vocal part begins with repeated
notes, the melody unfolding in a theme which throughout the opera is associated with her [cf.
Example VI B on p. 193]: its chromatic and sinuous contour brings to life her jealousy, adding
turbulence to the scene, and portraying her unstable and over-sensitive nature.76
For more on this article see Chapter I. 3. The scene in question involved several instances: the beginning of the
battle, heard off-stage as well as on the stage, while the two sisters meet and finally confront each other, arguing
over their relationship with Hanno. The act ends with Italian soldiers mortally wounding Vito, capturing Hanno and
the sisters, while Gisca looses her sanity.
74
Ma fermandomi un momento, sentii risuonarmi un movimento orchestrale che accennai vagamente colla voce...",
see Smareglia's text "Come nascono le melodie?", in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 306. This short article
of the composer is important because it is one of the few which offers an insight into his aesthetic ideas.
75
See synopsis, act 1.
76
Cf. with the music Example VI E. Smareglia employs a modified version of this arioso again towards the end of
act II, at the moment when Gisca is about to try to kill Hanno, see v. s. p. 132.
201
Chapter VI -Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Example VI F: Abisso, act I, Gisca and Hanno, v. s. p. 73-74
74
T rc ft jTji
^
men -ti omen-zo-
J? [Ja J' 35
gne - ro. n san - gue di Ma -
r - T=u'Jit W——
,pl l(J -+G
™
.....
L-F—
[Tl, J
Ltf—F
rie - la non ob- bli-o l'of -
l\)>|> Jr—..Jjui-jl T
i r r b» » ui
fe - sa del suo ri
&
pu - dio, quand' el-la jfil-
1 i ji" Jfl 4J31& w 1 n/j
PI r ♦jJ ^
The passage which draws a fuller portrait of Gisca is her monologue, "II nembo della gioia
s'allontana". It is Gisca's first more elaborate and self contained episode in act II, an aria-like
episode, to which most critics referred as the "aria della face" (aria of the torch) [see Appendix
F. 2], This melody, which she sings in the candlelight once the others leave the stage,
communicates the expression of a heartbroken soul. In itself, the aria can be identified as one of
the finest in all of Smareglia's operas, and was, as the composer revealed himself, nourished by
his "anima slava".77 The composer set the entire monologue as a unified episode of quite
From Levi, in the programme booklet of the Teatro Verdi, 1979.
202
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
considerable dimensions. The versification extends over 26 lines which Benco grouped in three
irregular strophes, consisting of six, four and seventeen lines [see Table 1, Appendix F. I].78
Although the verses are structured very traditionally, comprising mainly 11-syllable lines, the
regularity is obscured by their unusual layout and by the five long lines at the end of the
monologue (13-syllable and 14-syllable). Furthermore, the configuration of each stanza varies,
combining more incomplete lines (lines 9 to 15) with tidy lines (first stanza), and occasionally
playing with rhyme (lines 14 to 18).
To this poetic model the composer responded with a structure which combines regular phrasing
(such as 4+4+6 bar phrases in section B) with a free unfolding of the musical discourse. This
resulted in a form in which Smareglia does not follow the design of Benco's text; in the overall
structure we can discern three music sections (A, B, C). To foreshadow emotionally charged
atmosphere, Smareglia overlaps the two sections: the beginning of orchestral introduction
(section A) accompanies the end of the precedent vocal line (the culmination of Gisca's
declamato). Her anger and despair in seeing Hanno leaving with her sister is accompanied by
the whole orchestra employing the motif "del grido" (of "scream") [see Example VI G]. Its
effect is emphasised by an additional change of tempo, from the previous Piu animato to
Andante sostenuto, and by unfolding of Gisca's' motif [cf. Example VI B, on p. 193] followed
by the progression of chromatic modulations and appoggiaturas, and leading to the beginning
of her vocal part.
Example VI G - Abisso, act II, "scream" motif
Andante sostenutoJ = 66
The first seven lines of the text correspond to another musical section (B). We notice that from
the very beginning the music suggests Gisca's upset and restless state. Her melody starts in a
high register, forte, above the pedal on the dominant. As her anxiety culminates, uttering the
words "or vibro e grido", we hear the motif of "scream", now employed both by the orchestra
and her voice. The atmosphere temporarily calms down in the following part (C), which begins
It is possible that the second and the third strophes of the libretto actually form a single strophe, since the printed
text extends over two pages (see libretto, pp. 32-33).
203
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
with a short orchestral interlude; the composer employs the motif of "capanna" directing
Gisca's introspective mood, recalling her home [v. s. p. 93/3/2-93/5/1]. Her vocal part is fused
with the transparent orchestration creating a particularly poetic effect: above the tremolo in the
strings, marked in the score as morendo, the motif is articulated by the oboe solo, gradually
involving the rest of the woodwinds. As the scene continues the music becomes more agitated.
Benco's third stanza is set more as a declamato, with short, restless phrases evoking the agony
of Gisca's soul. We note Smareglia's responsiveness to the mood of the text: there is a circle of
repetitive phrases [v. s. p. 94/3/3 - 4/2], and several changes of tempo: from un poco animando,
un poco mosso, primo tempo leading to the climatic moment. "Egli non mi ama piu" is
underlined again by the motif of the "scream" in both Gisca and tutti. From this point, the
texture proceeds by the contrast of details: following Gisca's outcry we hear again the
orchestral interlude from the beginning (section A); this time, however, its texture is in part
accompanied by Gisca. Furthermore, it modulates into a seemingly new musical section (v. s.
p. 95/3/1 to 96). Smareglia captured this moment admirably with the change of tonal colour
(modulation from d to D major). A closer look at the theme reveals that it is a transformation of
the melody sung by Gisca at the beginning of the monologue (cf. section B).
The scene concludes with Gisca in her resigned mood; feeling fragile, she thinks she no longer
has a place in her lover's heart and feels her soul is dying. Although Benco set this part of the
monologue in five longer lines (13 and 14-syllable) Smareglia nevertheless decided to use and
modify Gisca's earlier melody, extending what was a four-bar into a five-bar section. Such a
gesture can perhaps be explained by his desire to obtain the effect of a vague 'ABA' form: this
section concludes with a clear cadenza, and returns to the dominant pedal on A which, at last,
resolves in the pedal on D. This way the composer carefully links the end of the monologue
with its beginning. It can be said that the detail which softens the formal closure of the arioso is
the melodic line avoiding resolution: it prolongs the dominant harmony, concluding in an
undefined key of "d", unfolding into the texture of the interlude heard earlier (part C). The fact
that this episode embodies the kind of procedures which clearly belong to Italian traditional
opera from the turn of the century confirms Smareglia's gift in responding to the text by using
the craft he inherited to fashion a design of his own.
The next example is the 'priest' scene. Following Gisca's monologue, the development of the
drama is, for a while, transferred into her subconscious: it is the episode of the plot in which
she sees an apparition of a priest. Benco regarded this scene as "decisive for the major or minor
success of the opera".™ It seems sensible to believe that the poet thought of this inner agony of
Gisca to be dramatically very important for the plot, since the events which follow Gisca's
79
From a letter written in December 1913, quoted in Ariberto Smareglia, Vita ed arte, p. 83.
204
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
hallucination were mainly caused by her change in attitude: it leads her to attempt to kill
Hanno, and made her call for the battle. The poet's manner of articulating this part of the drama
(as well as the previous monologue scene) resembles the 'latent dramaturgy' which was
characteristic of Oceana, and to an extent Falena's libretto. It is a poetic, unreal moment in the
story, which is conveyed by the large number of verses, forming a dialogue between the two
characters: the kind of poetic moment which could be best evoked by music. Gisca's 'vision' of
a priest, symbolizing the echo of her own conscience, Smareglia animated as a psychological,
self contained music-drama.80
The scene is structured through numerous sections, fused in an unbroken musical flow with an
especially active orchestral part. Since this scene's dimensions cover one third of the act, the
following analysis will focus on only a few of its passages. Particularly effective is the very
beginning of the scene, since it is blended with the apparent 'postlude' to Gisca's monologue
[see Appendix F. 3, v. s. p. 97]. The composer darkens the overall mood by gradually
dissolving the remains of the postlude; the new thematic material consists of short, abrupt
motifs played in a low register of the contrabass, then in bass-tuba and trombone solo, followed
by the homs, under which there is a low-lying tremolo in the strings. The first utterance of the
priest (who is a baritone) is dark and solemn; however, we hear Gisca's impulsive reaction, her
fear phrased in similar terms to her melodies heard earlier in the act, in animando, then allegro
moderato. Her arioso consists of short, gasping phrases which are soon adopted by the priest
himself. It could be said that the whole first section [v. s. p. 96-101] consists of their 'arguing':
the oscillation of melodious with more chromatic phrasing is embedded in vigorous orchestral
music, and expressed at a fast pace with numerous dynamic changes.
The scene proceeds with a complete change of mood. For example, the following section
[section II, see v. s. p. 101-107] is distinguished by modulation to E major, in which we note a
particular difference in the way the priest expresses himself. His character reveals a
'moralizing' dimension. This is evoked in music by the articulation of his vocal part in solemn
melodic phrases: his oration has a steady, almost 'soldierly' pace, underlined by the sustained
harmony of the dominant chord, which however, never resolves. Smareglia lines up
modulations of 'distant' tonalities: E major to Aflat major, or Gflat to D major are directed in a
slow but solemn manner, their harmonic colour achieving the effect of 'illuminating' the words
of the priest. The texture which follows continues to unfold in a different manner. For example,
the composer delineated the effect of the priest's words on Gisca by gradually softening her
anxiety, while liberating and transforming the priest's expression: this time it is both
80
It was Levi who suggested that the figure of the priest symbolises an "incarnazione della coscienza lombarda", in
the programme pamphlet of the Teatro Comunale di Trieste, 1979.
205
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
harmonically and lyrically more dense. The rest of the scene gradually becomes more intense,
as the pace broadens, advancing the unfolding of the drama to the turbulent ending of the act.
VI. 6 Conclusion
L'orchestra infatti e la grande incitatrice del movimento drammatico; anzi, in essa risiede
essenzialmente il dramma. Essa e l'aculeo potente, che sprona l'azione, *che non lascia requie alia
parola*, che invade, con la possanza, e con la varieta dei suoi effetti, la sala. Noi ci siamo avvinti ad
essa: la scena quasi si annebbia in un effetto di miraggi innanzi al nostra sguardo o, meglio,
attraverso le sensazioni dell'udito. [M. Lessona, "II grande successo dell' Abisso alia Scala", in La
Stampa, 1914. Also in: Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, pp. 279-80, except for the part*
marked].
[The orchestra is, as a matter of fact, the great inciter of the dramatic movement; indeed, the drama
essentially resides in the orchestra. It is the powerful goad, which spurs on the action, *which leaves
the word no rest *, which invades the hall with its power and with a variety of its effects. We are
wrapped up in its sound: the stage seems almost blurred from the effects of mirages before our eyes,
or even more so, through our sense of hearing].
The comment of the Turineese critic comes particularly close to describing the kind of opera
that Smareglia created with Abisso. In this opera, the composer's tendency to conjure up the
drama by symphonic means is developed further because of the way the orchestra continuously
blends with the vocal parts. In his approach to Benco's libretto, the composer showed particular
interest in the poetic qualities of the text. This at times occurs at the expense of the drama:
although the music is most expressive, it does not embody the kind of drama one would usually
expect. It seems that Smareglia's approach to the task resembles that of a composer who was
producing a literary opera. In his book on Robert Schumann, entitled Robert Schumann:
Herald of a "New Poetic Age", Daverio draws to Schumann's dramatic music, such as his
opera Genoveva (Leipzig 1850), and the fact that it has been judged as undramatic.
Schumann's approach to drama is one that "gives primacy of place to the comprehensibility of
a poetic text" (Daverio 1997: 331). Such an understanding of musical drama is inherent in
Smareglia and we can recognise it also when Daverio points out Schumann's particular interest
in the poetic quality of the text. It is also clear that Schumann puts more value on the poetic
source at the expense of the stage effects. In the case of Smareglia's operas, the singular
features were inherent in their libretti, since unlike those of literary opera, Benco's texts do not
exist as self-sufficient literary works.
206
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
It is noticeable that, more than in his previous works, in this opera there are aria-like structures
and duets (as dialogues); furthermore, they are articulated in the manner which reveals the
composer to be closer than ever to Italian lyricism. As Levi pointed out, Smareglia added to the
voices that dosage of "tragic intensity", so inherent in Italian melodramma, enriching it in the
same way that his more popular contemporary, Puccini, did.
Although Smareglia was, in one way, unable to understand the perverted and complicated kind
of passions imagined by Benco, his music, on the other hand, expressed most powerfully the
story of love in a time of war. Abisso marks the end of Smareglia's career, proving that either
his imagination, or his incredible strength of will to dictate what he imagined, were exhausted.
Even though Smareglia clearly reveals that he thoroughly studied Wagner's as well as Strauss's
orchestral language, he assimilated it in his own style and one should not regret the influence of
German schools.81 Perhaps with his operas Smareglia did not meet the preferences of the Italian
audience, whose critics suggested that he could improve the opera by "lightening it a bit".8"
Nevertheless, the composer "tried his own way".83 Even though this caused him to remaining
isolated, Smareglia confirmed once again his achievement and originality in the creation of
Italian opera.
It seems difficult not to point to the resemblance of one of Smareglia's passages to the harmonies of Wagner's
Tristan, in particular the harmonic and melodic progression of the 'Tristan chord'. The moment in question is in act
II, the scene in which the voices of the three main protagonists fuse into the same orchestral melody, see Chapter I.
3, Example I. 3. C.
82
M. Lessona, in La Stampa 1914.
83
In ibid.
207
Chapter VI - Abisso - the explosion of the senses
Chapter VII - Conclusion
CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSION
For the opera the only suitable subjects are such as could not exist or reach complete
expression without music.
[Busoni, in Schmidgall, Literature as Opera, p. 4]
1. Summary and conclusions
This thesis demonstrates Smareglia's place in Italian opera at the turn of the 19th and 20th
centuries by examining his last three operas. The studies of Falena, Oceana and Abisso show
the outstanding originality of their style, and highlight the determination of the composer and
his librettist to create a new type of opera in which the musical aspects predominate over the
dramatic ones. This anti-theatrical tendency in the opera house can be described as a "teatro di
poesia" since its style and aims correspond to the changes which affected contemporary Italian
literary theatre and which have been described in those terms. The novel approach was
introduced in the theatre by the poet Gabriele D'Annunzio and the actress Eleonora Duse in the
mid 1890s.
The major aims of this thesis have been to introduce Falena, Oceana and Abisso, to explain the
manner in which these operas were created, and to investigate their musico-dramatic structure
and those elements of style which are the most significant and which indicate their belonging to
the "poetic theatre". The questions which have been addressed are first, what was the
perception of the operas at the time of their premieres? Secondly, who was the poet and what
sources inspired him to create these libretti? Thirdly, how were the texts conceived? And
fourthly, how did the composer respond to such texts?
This thesis has argued that Smareglia's last compositional phase and his contribution to the
development of "poetic theatre" was largely conditioned by his relationship with his new
librettist at the time, Silvio Benco. As explained, right from the start of their collaboration, their
operas provoked intense discussion, causing some of the critics to dismiss the works and others
to search for new explanations in order to describe their novel style. It was seen that Falena,
Oceana and Abisso have little in common with other operas of the time. Furthermore, these
operas were very distinct from Smareglia's previous works, making it obvious that the
209
Chapter VII - Conclusion
fundamental change in the composer's operatic style was related to his collaboration with the
young librettist.
An introduction to the character of Benco has allowed a more complete understanding of the
artist and his background. An overview of his career has revealed that he was primarily a
journalist, novelist and a patriot with a passionate interest in music and arts. He was an artist
without whom Trieste's history and letteratura triestina is "unimaginable". Although libretto
writing was a marginal activity for him, he is remembered mostly for his successful
collaboration with Smareglia. What is particularly significant about Benco's texts is the fact
that all three are created out of his own imagination. Therefore, the question recurrently asked
in this study is was what fed his fantasy? What sources lie behind Falena, Oceana and Abissol
One of the findings is that the overall style of the three libretti, their ideas and themes
correspond with that of his own novels. The artistic tendencies that shaped Benco's novel II
castello dei desideri are those of Symbolism and Decadence, the same which are infused in
Falena and Abisso. We can see these features in the attention given to the subconscious world
of the characters, in their distorted and morbid fantasies, and their quest for sensations. As
explained, the concept of his story Falena is not what some critics of the period described as a
"childish" invented legend, but is rather a product of a writer whose imagination was immersed
in the kind of themes we find running through the works of leading authors of the time, such as
D'Annunzio, Huysmans, Maeterlinck and Wilde, as well as in the works of their own models,
such as Gautier, Baudelaire, Flaubert and Poe. A series of new trends that emerged during that
period, the phenomenon which Pierrot called the "decadent imagination", underlines Benco's
literary taste.' Furthermore, a look at the Italian literature of the period reveals that Benco's
creation of Falena, her outward appearance, magical powers and the idea of introducing dream-
sequences into the play stand as a valuable contribution to Italian literature of the period, since
the other examples of similar themes can be found mainly in the works of D'Annunzio. In fact
Benco was experimenting with new literary taste on the operatic stage earlier than D'Annunzio
did.
With the next opera Benco and Smareglia confirmed that their collaboration was dedicated to
creating a different kind of opera. Both artists clearly expressed this view in the interviews
given prior to the opera's premiere. As Smareglia said, the purpose was to give the impression
of "un quadro musicale", in which the dramatic and symphonic elements are fused together.
Benco was writing about "pictures of scenic landscape and music" and "an ambient of pure
music", pointing out that the opera entailed translating these images into a symphony. This
"Decadent imagination" is discussed in Chapter IV. 3. i.
210
Chapter VII - Conclusion
synthetic concept of musical theatre, fusing text, music and stage, involves another relevant
aspect: the points of contact with pictorial art. The discussion of Oceana largely concentrated
on the fact that Benco was inspired by the marine pictures of Arnold Bocklin. The opera stands
as one of the rare examples of a spectacle uniting all the arts, leading from painting to text, and
ultimately to opera.
One of the questions asked in examining Oceana was what happens when a work of figurative
art becomes chosen as a basis for a story, and is brought to the operatic stage? The answer
which seems to be most suitable in describing the opera is the concept of a "poetic theatre",
since both the libretto and Smareglia's music give an impression of 'poetry' rather than
'drama'. Benco's text is outlined as a series of images, many of which correspond to
Bocklin'sf There is an episodic unfolding of the plot and numerous narrative suggestions on
the drama; these are features which Italian critics described as "poetic and picturesque
surpassing the dramatic". In fact, the poet's libretto seems to be more an evocative, "poetic
fantasy" (Cameroni) than a drama meant for the operatic stage. It is interesting to note that, as
well as to Bocklin, Benco's female characters in general and the atmospheres which envelop
them reveal a resemblance to the images depicted by the Pre-Raphaelites, Burne-Jones and
Waterhouse in particular.3 In support of this view it is worth mentioning that the art of the Pre-
Raphaelites was exhibited for the first time officially in Italy in 1895 in Venice. However, their
influence on arts and literature in general in Italy had an impact in the years before 1895, and
can be traced back to the works of D'Annunzio.4
In the case of their third opera, Abisso, Smareglia and Benco surprised the audiences of La
Scala by dealing with an episode from Italian history. Abisso was seen as even more unusual
because Benco placed the sensual elements of the plot in the front line: the "abyss" he evoked
had little to do with the Battle of Legnano set in 13th century Italy. Instead, the theme is similar
to the subjects dealt with in Salome, for example, and was considered to be extremely
provocative, as were D'Annunzio's works of the period. What is interesting to note is the fact
that at the time Benco was writing Abisso (1906), and while Smareglia was composing the
opera, D'Annunzio's theatrical works attracted more attention among Smareglia's
contemporaries, gradually infiltrating the operatic repertory. From 1906 to 1914 for example,
operas involving similar subjects were Cilea's Gloria, Franchetti's La figlia di Iorio,
2
For more on Bocklin and the images which relate to Oceana see Chapter V. 4. i.
3
See also the content of the influence of Burne-Jones on Maeterlinck's Pelleas in Chapter V.
For more on the influence of the Pre-Raphaellites on literature and arts in Italy, see Giuliana Pieri 1998, "The
Influence of English Pre-Raphaelitism in 19th Century Italian Art and Literature", Ph. D. Thesis, University of
Oxford.
211
Chapter VII - Conclusion
Mascagni's Isabeau and Parisina, Mancinelli's Paolo e Francesco, or Zandonai's Conchita
and Francesco da Rimini
Another novelty about Abisso was that, in contrast to Falena and Oceana, it had a realistic
setting which involved agitated and brutal conflicts. Was there a difference in Benco's layout of
the story? As indicated, despite the inclusion of violent themes, the libretto lacked effective or
persuasive dramatic contrasts, and it evolved around the character's inner tension. It also
provided evocative episodes. As was the case with Oceana and Falena, music was expected to
provide variety in interpreting the drama.
2. How did such libretti influence Smareglia's interpretation?
The particular attention and space Benco conferred on music in his texts proved to be most
stimulating for the composer. His imagination was able to unfold to the full in an all-
encompassing complex of sound, producing the effect that Holloway described on experiencing
Parsifal, "a sonorous image cluster".6 The originality of Smareglia's musical language is its
continuous, all-involving sonority: the orchestral texture is fused with the vocal parts, creating a
powerful and consistent whole. Often, the sound of his operas and the vast dimensions of some
scenes in them are suggestive of symphonic poems. It was seen that what creates the rich
polyphonic texture is Smareglia's symphonic development of the material, much of which is of
leitmotif origin. Salvetti referred to the harmonic style of Abisso as "densita armonica
terribile", alluding to the harmonic progressions involving secondary dominants, chromatic
chords and non-harmony notes.
A negative consequence of Benco's concern with texts that seem to require "pure music" in
opera was the pressure that was put upon the dramatic abilities of the composer. For example,
in the case of Falena, Benco asked Smareglia to evoke its atmosphere, interpret its action and
elaborate its drama. The result was that there are many effective episodes in the opera
containing inner dramatic energy, but as a whole Falena seems to be "dreamily impressionistic
rather than dramatic" (Budden). This unconditional attitude of Benco towards the composer in
reality required Smareglia to concentrate primarily on such episodic evocation of images. The
reason why there is generally a lack of dramatic fibre in Smareglia's operas is that there was
See Time line 3 and 4, Appendix C.
6
See Robin Holloway 1986, 'Experiencing music and imagery in Parsifal', in Opera Guide Series, 34, ed. by
Nicholas John, London: John Calder.
212
Chapter VII - Conclusion
very little dramatic content in Benco's libretti in the first place. That is not to say that
Smareglia had no choice. Nevertheless, he had to rely primarily on his imagination since he
was deprived of seeing his operas staged.
Perhaps Smareglia's operas can be best understood if they are looked at as being musico-
dramatic works in which the priority is to evoke the story by immersing it in music. Similar
concepts would be taken over by the "generazione dell'80", by Malipiero, for example. It
seems that the special theatre which D'Annunzio thought of building, Teatro d'Albano, could
have been the perfect place to perform such poetic operas, since ultimately, Falena, Oceana
and Abisso capture the imagination of their listener. It can be seen that Benco and Smareglia
aspired to a total work of art which would use music, theatre and dance (as in Oceana),
following the example of Wagner, but implementing his concept in the atmosphere and with the
themes of Decadence, more in the manner of D'Annunzio.
3. Suggestions for future research
What has this thesis contributed to the study of Smareglia's operas? The aim has been to
illustrate his place in the history of opera. The emphasis is a cultural one. Because the cultural
context of Falena, Oceana and Abisso has proved to be so rich and multi-faceted, it has been
necessary to confine the scope of the musical discussion to just a few of these features that have
been judged most significant and characteristic. It does not provide a detailed music analysis of
any of the three operas. It has not looked into the harmonic aspects, the orchestration, or
provided a thorough study of leitmotifs, all topics that could be extensively studied.
The concept of the "teatro di poesia" propounded in this thesis stands as a new approach to
discussing Falena, Oceana and Abisso. We have pointed out the manner in which the
expression has been used in the late 19th-century Italian literature, and the way in which it
entered the criticism on opera at the time when the two arts aspired towards each other's means
(or power) of expression. Although the style of the three operas points to their obvious
poeticism, thorough-going musical analysis of these works is needed for a comprehensive
assessment and understanding. It is important to highlight that the suggestion that Smareglia
and Benco wished to create a "poetic theatre", and to collaborate with D'Annunzio at some
stage, is evidenced in one of the many unpublished letters. These letters contain numerous
insights in need of further elucidation. For example, some letters reveal how, following Abisso,
213
Chapter VII - Conclusion
Smareglia admitted he was "exhausted of the predominant symphonism and would like to rest
with the vocal part..he wanted another libretto with a "Slav" ambient;7
[S]i tratta di fare una cosa vibrante con personaggi assai staccati nel loro carattere, eventualmente
con qualche elemento comico o caratteristico ecc. In una parola un'opera di forte impressione. Per
popolare [intendevo] passioni e movenze psichiche che tutti siano in grado di sentire e condividere,
non dunque idealita astratte o visioni poetiche, bisognera evitare svolgimenti di azioni parallele che
non risultano quasi mai, infine di limitare al piu possibile le essigenze vocali e orchestrali. [letter
B.C. 1253, see Appendix B]
[I would like to create something vibrant, with characters which are of a distinctive temperament,
maybe with some comic element or typical etc.. In one word, a strongly impressive opera. When I
said popolare I meant passionate, and with the kind of psychological attitudes which everyone can
hear and share, not therefore abstract concepts or poetic visions; it is necessary to avoid the
development of parallel actions which almost never result in the right way, in the end limit the vocal
and orchestral exigencies as much as possible.]
These letters leave the impression that Smareglia's operas, even the last three, warrant further
exploration. The collection of unpublished letters seems to open up new avenues for future
research of Smareglia's correspondence, and more broadly, in respect to his overall
compositional achievements. His teamwork with Benco was a special kind of collaboration in
which the poet was involved in composing music. This thesis therefore contributes significantly
to the study of Smareglia in an effort to encourage and expose the need for something just as
important as academic research: the actual performances of these operas.
7
See letter B. C. 1276, Appendix B.
214
Chapter VII - Conclusion
Consolatrix Maestrorum:
LA SiGNORA GlOVANNINA - La luo „Pr->ziosa" & lonfo
prezioso, caro Smcreglia, che voglia pregarH di scrivere
alh-i due o fre sporhK...
SMAREGLIA - Magcl cenfo 1
Illustration 17: the caricature of the publisher Giovannina Lucca planning to commission from
Smareglia new operas, following the success of his Preziosa in Milan in 1879.
215
Chapter VII - Conclusion
Appendix A - Personalia
APPENDIX A - PERSONALIA
The following personalia list is intended to introduce to the reader the people one most often encounters
in a study ofAntonio Smareglia, and those that appear often throughout this thesis. The individuals who
feature most frequently in the main biographies are those with whom Smareglia had either immediate
contact, or who influenced the composer's ways of thinking and his work. Omitted are those too well
known to require introduction (Puccini, Verdi or Wagner).
Except for Smareglia himself his librettist, and, occasionally, artists such as Arnold Bocklin, or James
Joyce, who are discussed in more detail and in a more appropriate section of the thesis, the list includes
some of the performers who sang at the premiere of Smareglia's operas, the publishers with whom he
was involved, the critics and various artists who were, at some stage in their career, his friends. Some
who evidently played an important role in Smareglia's life are not referred to in the standard reference
literature: personalities such as Rocco Pierobon, Carlo Sai, Gaudenzio dalla Zonca, for example,
remain shadowy figures but are included here for the sake ofcompleteness.
Bartoli, Romeo (Trieste 1875 - Milan 1936)
Smareglia and Bartoli met in Trieste in 1895, after the successful premiere of Nozze istriane.
Bartoli was a cousin of Silvio Benco, who had in that year interrupted his study of engineering
in Graz in order to study music. He became Smareglia's friend and took private singing lessons
with him. For several years, Bartoli very much helped Smareglia in making fair copies of his
music at the time when Smareglia's sight was deteriorating. Within a few years, Bartoli
became a music teacher himself, and in 1908 was giving lessons for a short period of time to
James Joyce, who in return taught him English.' Bartoli became the choir conductor of the
Teatro Verdi and the Teatro Politeama Rossetti, and was in charge of the Triestine Societa
vocale teatrale (founded in 1907). In 1913 Bartoli set up a small chamber choir, which
comprised only fifteen singers, and became the first choir of madrigalists in Trieste; I
madrigalisti triestini. In 1920 he established a choir in Milan, Gruppo Madrigalisti Varesini
(which D'Annunzio called Camerata Varesina del Madrigale), later renamed Camerata
milanese del madrigale. He often conducted in the Triestine theatres, and in 1914 became a
professor of choral singing at the Milan Conservatory.
1 According to Crivelli (who draws his information from Elmann, James Joyce), Joyce sang in a concert conducted
by Bartoli, in Wagner's Die Meistersinger. Cf. Crivelli, Itinerari Triestini: James Joyce, p. 84.
217
Appendix A - Personalia
Bellincioni, Gemma (Como 1864 - Naples 1950)
Celebrated Italian soprano, taught by her father, who was a professional bass. She studied in
Milan with the tenor Roberto Stagno, a famous singer at the time, who became her husband in
1886. She was much admired by Verdi as Violetta in Traviata, and was originally Puccini's
first choice for the role of Mimi, for which she was unavailable at that time. After her
appearance as Santuzza at the premiere of Cavalleria rusticana (Rome 1890), she gained a
particular reputation for her performances in many verismo operas. Such examples were
Giordano's Mala vita (Rome 1892), Fedora (Milan 1898) and Smareglia's Nozze istriane
(Trieste 1895). She was also the first Italian Salome (at its premiere) in Turin in 1906, in the
performance conducted by Strauss himself, and she frequently sang the parts of Tosca, and
Carmen.
Benco, Anna Gruber ( Trieste 1929 - Duino 2000)
Daughter of Aurelia Gruber Benco; the granddaughter of Silvio Benco. In contrast to her
mother Aurelia, since childhood Anna had revealed her passion and gift for arts. She admitted
that she had "inherited (perhaps 'badly') all she could from such a family: poetry, theatre,
musicality".2 Her goal of becoming a film director became possible when, as a very young
student, she won a scholarship to the Film Academy in Rome. She won the first prize for
directing a film entitled Calze in seta. Anna collaborated with most famous Italian film
directors (such as Fellini, Antonioni, Soldati and De Sica). Her desire to teach "how to express
ones own personal thoughts in words and gestures that can be seen", led her to open a school
for theatre in Rome, which following a serious illness she later transferred to Trieste. She
continued to stimulate various artistic activities in her home town of Duino, and founded
L 'Associazione delle arti e dei mestieri and L'Associazione culturale duinese per trainare
I'arte e la poesia."
During her life Anna was curator of the most valuable of her grandfather's possessions. In the
last years of her life she was writing a biography of Benco, which is still under the protection
of the rest of Benco's family, and is to be donated, along with other documentation and
materials of a different nature, to the Biblioteca Civica "A. Hortis" in Trieste. As Anna said
herself, the biography gives an account of various, lesser known episodes of Benco's life and
at the same time provides an insight into critical reassessments of Benco's work, comments
which are supposed to shed a new light on Benco as a writer.3
2 The information derives from an interview with Anna Gruber Benco held in Duino in May 1997.
3 Unfortunately, Anna's biography of Silvio Benco was unavailable at the time of this research.
218
Appendix A - Personalia
Benco, Aurelia Gruber ( Trieste 1905 - 1995)
Daughter of Silvio Benco and Delia de Zuccoli. Although she chose a different career
unrelated to the literary world of her parents (in 1929 she graduated in agriculture in Perugia),
she inherited much of the intellectual strength of the Benco family. Upon her death, at the age
of ninety, the citizens of Trieste held her in their memory just as they did her father Silvio, as
one of the most important and emotive personalities of their town: Aurelia was "one of the
strongest female personalities of her time: a woman committed in a political, cultural, and civic
sense..." (Gabriella Ziani, II Piccolo, 23 September 1995).
During her life Aurelia was active both politically and culturally. She left several articles
which contain most vivid memories of her parents and of her encounter with James Joyce.
From 1951 to 1973 she revived the journal Umana, Rivista di politico e di cultura, which was
originally founded by her father in 1918, and which she organised (in 1986) as a special issue,
an anthology compiled of previous outstanding articles. She was married to Carlo Gruber, and
had two daughters, Marta and Anna.
Benco, Delia - wife of Silvio Benco. See under Zuccoli, Delia de
Boito, Arrigo (Padua 1842 - Milan 1918)
Italian poet, composer and critic. Boito is best remembered as the collaborator of Giuseppe
Verdi, having written the librettos for Otello (Milan 1887) and Falstaff (Milan 1893), and
revised Piave's libretto for Simon Boccanegra (rev. Milan 1881). Boito came to Milan in 1853
to study composition with Alberto Mazzucato at the Milan Conservatory. His first patriotic
cantatas (II quattro giugno and Le sorelle d'Italia), written in the 1860s with Franco Faccio, as
well as his notorious ode All'arte italiana from 1863, announced their rebellious spirit and a
determination to renew Italian art. While contemplating 'the music of the future', he and
Faccio became the leaders of the scapigliati. It was within this iconoclastic group of artists that
Smareglia first met Boito when he arrived in Milan in 1870. Boito was, at the time, very
affected by the failure of his Mefistofele at its premiere at La Scala in 1868. According to
Mario Smareglia, Smareglia first visited Boito (in 1870), when he went to borrow the score of
Bach's St Matthew Passion for his teacher, Franco Faccio. The sixteen year-old Smareglia was
admitted to Boito's house, only after he had expressed his enthusiasm to hear the music of
Bach! (also in Conati 1994: xxxiii).
During Smareglia's formative years in Milan, Boito and Smareglia became very close friends.
Sharing a passion for the music of German masters, they discussed and played their own music
219
Appendix A - Personalia
to one another.4 This was also the case with Boito's unfinished opera Nerone. As seen in a
letter sent to Boito in 1912, Smareglia greatly admired Boito's ideas and work, in particular his
opera Nerone, and was to write about it after Boito had died in 1918.5 Following Boito's death,
Toscanini and Smareglia worked on the completion of the score. Their collaboration ended
after the first act, and the rest of the score was completed by Toscanini and Vicenzo
Tommasini.6 Boito remained faithful to Smareglia's work and a personal friend throughout his
life. He helped him with the stage rehearsals of Oceana and Abisso (at La Scala in 1903 and
1914), because by then Smareglia was blind.
D'Annunzio, Gabriele (Pescara 1863 - Gardone Riviera 1938)
Italian writer, the leading figure of Italian decadence. His strong influence on the arts in Italy
and France at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth century has been described as "estetismo
d'annunziano" (Tedeschi). D'Annunzio's particular attachment and sensibility to music, and
the importance he attributed to it, impregnated his writings. He directly collaborated with
composers such as Debussy (Le martyre de St Sebastien, Paris 1911), and Pizzetti (La
pisanelle, ou la mort parfume, Paris 1913 and La Nave, 1908) when he commissioned from
them incidental music which was to be an integral part of his drama. Among D'Annunzio's
other plays which were adapted as opera librettos were Lafiglia di Iorio (Franchetti 1906, and
Pizzetti 1954), Parisina (Mascagni 1913), Francesca da Rimini (Zandonai 1914), Fedra
(Pizzetti 1915).
The themes which D'Annunzio chose in his writings influenced many Italian artists of the
time, including Benco. The two artists met in 1902, and developed a close friendship; several
letters are preserved which reveal that D'Annunzio highly respected Benco. D'Annunzio
helped Benco to publish his novel La fiamma fredda with the Milan publisher Treves. During
that time Benco introduced the poet to Smareglia; several letters (from D'Annunzio to Treves
or to Benco) mention that he attended the premiere of Oceana, and he admired and praised the
work afterwards as "enchanting texture of sounds" (incantevole tessuto dei suoni). From the
unpublished part of Smareglia's correspondence we learn that the composer and Benco
planned to collaborate at some stage with D'Annunzio, creating a new work to be staged at his
special Teatro d'Albano, near Rome.7
4 A letter (sent from Boito to Smareglia on 3 January 1912), which confirms that they continued to communicate and
discuss their work together, can be found among the materials in the Civico Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl" (gift
from Adua Rigotti Smareglia).
5 The article is quoted in Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia.
6 Cf. Chapter II.
7 For more on that letter see Chapter I. 2 and Appendix B. Several letters written by D'Annunzio to Benco are kept
in the Biblioteca Civica in Trieste, while D'Annunzio's letters addressed to Treves, in which he mentioned Benco,
or the premiere of Oceana, can be found in Gianni Oliva ed., Gabriele D'Annunzio: lettere ai Treves.
220
Appendix A - Personalia
Dominicetti, Cesare (Desenzano del Garda 1821 - Sesto S. Giovanni 1888)
Italian composer, studied in Milan. After the occasional and moderate success of his first few
operas, such as I begli usi di citta (Desenzano 1841), Due moglie in una (Milan 1853), La
Maschera (Milan 1854), he went to South America with a travelling opera company as its
conductor for some time. He returned to Milan in the 1870s and started to compose operas
again, but without any major results, except for the "dramma fantastico", Lago delle fate
(Milan 1878). Dominicetti was much respected by the young generation of composers around
Boito, including Smareglia. He was a professor of composition at the Milan Conservatory from
1881 until his death. As we learn from various sources on Smareglia, Dominicetti was a
talented orchestrator, and was often approached by Smareglia for advice during his years of
study. In 1874, Boito wrote a libretto for Dominicetti's opera Iram (which remained
unperformed), while simultaneously working on a revision of Mefistofele. This fact could
support the contemporary rumour about Dominicetti helping Boito with the orchestration of
the revised Mefistofele (rev. Bologna 1875).
Faccio, Franco (Verona 1840 - Monza, 1891)
Italian composer and an outstanding Italian conductor at the time. He was Smareglia's teacher,
first privately for a year and then at the Milan Conservatory from 1872 until 1877. Faccio first
came to the Milan Conservatory in 1855 to study composition with Stefano Ronchetti-
Monteviti. There, he met his life-long friend Arrigo Boito, with whom he was to gain a
reputation as a scapigliato musician. After the succes d'estime of his operas I profughi
fiamminghi (Milan 1863) and Amleto (Genoa 1865), he renounced composing and turned
exclusively to conducting. In 1878 he accompanied the orchestra of La Scala to the
International Exibition in Paris, to conduct five concerts. The repertoire, entitled "Young
Italian art", included "i grandi italiani scomparsi: Boccherini, Rossini, Cimarosa, Donizetti,
Paganini, Tartini" (Favetta 1961: 5) as well as the contemporary Italian composers. Among the
compositions of Verdi and Ponchielli, Faccio chose two students' works: Smareglia's
symphonic poem Leonora, and the symphonic prologue La falee by Catalani.8 He taught at the
Milan Conservatory from 1868 until 1878, and in 1879, when the "Societa orchestrale della
Scala" was formed, he became its director, promoting the performance of instrumental music
in Italy.
During his tenure as a principal director at La Scala (1869 - 1889), Faccio conducted numerous
Italian operatic premieres, such as the European premiere of Verdi's Aida (1872), Don Carlos
8 An edition of Smareglia's Leonora (a gift from Adua Smareglia) can be found in Trieste in the Civico Museo
Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl". Published in Milan by Francesco Lucca, the copy bears the inscription and signature of
Smareglia: "A1 mio amico F. Faccio".
221
Appendix A - Personalia
(4 act version, 1884), Simon Boccanegra (rev. 1881), Otello (1887); Ponchielli's La Gioconda
(1876), Catalani's Dejanice (1883); Massenet's Herodiade (1882), and many others. Faccio
was a fervent supporter of Wagner's operas, and had conducted Lohengrin in the famous
premiere in Milan in 1873, on which occasion Smareglia's enthusiasm for Wagner ended up in
a fight with an anti-Wagnerian.9
Ferrari, Rodolfo (Modena 1865 - Rome 1919)
Italian conductor, studied in Bologna, graduating in composition under Alessandro Busi in
1882. He conducted Smareglia's operas Falena (Trieste 1899 and 1912) and Cornill Schut
(Trieste 1900), as well as the premieres of several operas written at the time, among them
Mascagni's L'Amico Fritz (Rome, 1891), Le Maschere (Turin, 1901), Giordano's Andrea
Chenier (Milan, 1896), and Puccini's Manon Lescaut (Milan 1893).
Filippi, Filippo (Vicenza 1830 - Milan 1887)
Italian lawyer and music critic. Although he graduated in law in Padua in 1853, Filippi
privately studied piano and organ, turning to music criticism in 1851. In 1859 he was offered a
job at the Gazzetta musicale di Milano by Tito Ricordi. After 1862, he collaborated with La
Perseveranza, a Milanese periodical, in which he wrote several reviews of Smareglia's early
works, such as on Leonora, sinfonia descrittiva, and on the operas Caccia lontana (Milan
1875), Preziosa (Milan 1879) and Bianca da Cervia (Milan 1882). Even though he claimed
that Smareglia was greatly influenced by Verdi, Filippi praised the composer's originality, the
rich orchestral texture and the expressive melodiosity in his operas, judging Smareglia as a
composer of great promise.
While travelling around Germany in 1860s, Filippi heard Wagner's music and wrote a series of
articles about it, which were published in La Perseveranza in 1870 (also in a separate edition,
in Musica e musicisti. Critiche, biografie ed escursioni, Milan 1876). Although he was a great
admirer of Verdi, in his critical writings he encouraged the increasing German influence on
Italian music.
Franchi - Verney Giuseppe Ippolito (Turin 1848 - Rome 1921)
Italian music critic and composer. Besides writing for the Turin journals La Gazzetta del
popolo and Risorgimento, he wrote a review of Smareglia's Falena, which was published in
the periodical La Nuova Antologia. He is frequently mentioned by both Benco and Smareglia,
9 According to Ariberto Smareglia, Smareglia had a fight with a piano teacher, Francesco Giarde (cf. Ariberto
Smareglia, Vita ed arte.)
222
Appendix A - Personalia
although in a most non-informative way, from which we may only infer that he was
Smareglia's friend.
Gavazzeni, Gianandrea (Bergamo 1909 - 1996)
Italian conductor, composer, critic and writer. He studied composition at the Milan
Conservatory with Ildebrando Pizzetti, but dedicated his career to conducting, in particularly
the operas of the 19th and 20th centuries. He contributed to the revival of the music of many
composers of the "young Italian school", among them of Smareglia, conducting the most
recent performance of Falena in 1975 in Trieste.
Gialdini, Gialdino (Pescia 1843 -1919)
Italian conductor and composer, the pupil of Teodulo Mabellini in Florence. From 1904 to
1915 he was the director of the Trieste Conservatory. Gialdini conducted the premiere of
Falena at the Teatro Rossini in Venice in 1897, and the performance of Nozze istriane in 1908
in Pola.
Guarnieri, Antonio (Venice 1880 - Milan 1952)
Italian composer, conductor and violoncellist. After a brief career as violoncellist, he became
more oriented towards conducting. Although nominated as the artistic director of Italian opera
in Vienna for the period from 1906 - 1912, he left the position after only a year because of
disputes. In 1908 he worked in Buenos Aires with Luigi Mancinelli, and later returned to
Florence (conducting the Italian premiere of Parsifal in Florence 1914 - 15) and in Milan
(Lohengrin 1922). Guarnieri conducted the operas of Catalani, Zandonai and Smareglia's
Abisso in 1926 in Trieste.
Illica, Luigi (Piacenza 1857 -1919)
Italian librettist. Smareglia and Illica met in Milan in the 1870s, when both of them were at the
start of their careers. II Vassallo di Szigeth (1889) was, in fact, the first libretto Illica wrote.
After another collaboration (on the opera Cornill Schut 1893), they spent some time in Istria,
in order to work on Flaubert's La Tentation de Saint Antoine, their next operatic project. Illica
was inspired by the atmosphere and customs of the little village of Dignano, and soon
persuaded Smareglia to produce a more realistic drama in the verismo style which was in
fashion at the time. The result was Nozze istriane, Smareglia's most popular work. Although
this was their last collaboration, Smareglia and Illica continued to communicate; a small
223
Appendix A - Personalia
sample of it can be found in the published part of Smareglia's correspondence.10 Around 1900,
Illica made an effort to improve the relationship between Smareglia and Casa Musicale
Ricordi, but with no success. Similarly, he tried to negotiate with the publisher Sonzogno, but
this time Smareglia refused the contract, because it was to cover a 10-year period, which the
composer considered "too long".
Illica's career is best known through his collaboration with Giacosa in producing the libretti
for Puccini's La Boheme, Tosca and Madama Butterfly. He wrote numerous libretti for other
composers of the "young Italian school", among them for Catalani (La Wally 1892), Franchetti
(Cristoforo Colombo 1892, and Germania 1902), Giordano (.Andrea Chenier 1896), and
Mascagni (Iris 1898, Le maschere 1901, Isabeau 1911).
Joyce, James (Rathgar, Dublin 1882 - Zurich 1941)
Irish writer who lived in Trieste from 1904 to 1915 and 1919 to 1920. Joyce is discussed in
chapters II and III.
Lehar, Franz (Komaron 1870 - Bad Ischl 1948)
Austrian composer of Hungarian descent. He studied in Prague with Zdenek Fibich and Josef
Foerster. After a brief experience of conducting and composing for a military bands in Pola
and Trieste, he achieved international fame as a composer of operettas. Smareglia met Lehar in
Pola in the 1890s, when Lehar was appointed as the military bandmaster of the Austro-
Hungarian Imperial and Royal Navy. The composer encouraged the young Lehar, introducing
him to the scores of Wagner, and teaching him orchestration while Lehar was working on his
operetta Kukuscha. In fact, in this work, there are some echoes of Smareglia's Cornill Schut
(Dresden 1893), an opera which Lehar admired (Grun 1970). Lehar remained Smareglia's
friend during his residence in Vienna, and in 1908 helped Smareglia in organising the
performance of Nozze istriane at Vienna's Volksoper Theatre.
Lucca, Francesco (Cremona 1802 - Milan 1872)
Italian music publisher, who started off as an apprentice music engraver at Giulio Ricordi's
firm. After having spent three years abroad specialising in the new lithographic technique, in
the mid 1820s, Lucca opened his own engraving workshop. He worked in Ricordi's copying
department again in 1841, gradually acquiring the rights of reproduction for two operas by
Donizetti, Adelia (1839) and Lafavorita (1841). He also commissioned Verdi's Atilla (Venice
10 The most important part of the correspondence between Smareglia and Illica has been unavailable for years. The
existing letters, however, were recently 'returned' to the Biblioteca Civica in Piacenza [information available from
conversation with the Triestine musicologist dott. Gianni Gori]. The transcription and analysis of these letters is one
ofmany tasks waiting to be done.
224
Appendix A - Personalia
1846) and II corsaro (Trieste 1848). Although Verdi soon moved under Ricordi's wing, Lucca
became a true rival to Ricordi's company, having in his catalogue Weber's Der Freischutz as
well as operas by Mercadante, Pacini, Gomez, Marchetti and Catalani.
Lucca's success as a music publisher was magnified when his wife, Giovannina Strazza
(1814 - 1894), became involved in the business. Her best coup was in 1868, when she acquired
the exclusive rights of Wagner's music in Italy, having already done the same with Gounod's
Faust, Halevy's La Juive and Meyerbeer's L'africaine. This expansion of Lucca's firm led
Ricordi to buy it. This event took place in May 1888, and led many composers of the "young
Italian school", in particularly Catalani and Smareglia, to be completely neglected by Ricordi.
Giovannina Lucca was Smareglia's first publisher. They had met in Milan in 1879, when a
very successful performance of Smareglia's Preziosa took place in the Teatro del Verme. This
event remained memorable in the history of Italian opera: the humourists of Galleria
Umoristica delta Gazzetta dei Teatri depicted a caricature of Giovannina grasping Smareglia
(with his new score) as her new talent for the flourishing of her publishing business. She then
commissioned another opera by Smareglia, Bianca di Cervia (Milan 1882). See Illustration
n. 17.
Gian Francesco Malipiero (Venice 1882 - Treviso 1973)
Italian composer and musicologist, considered as one of the most original Italian composers of
the early 20th century. Bom into a musicians family, Malipiero spent several years with his
father (who was a pianist and conductor) in Trieste, Berlin and Vienna. Following his brief
study (from 1898 to 1899) at the Vienna Conservatory, he returned to Venice in 1899 and
begun studying counterpoint with the organist - composer, Marco Enrico Bossi, in the Liceo
Musicale, however, soon interrupting the course. Malipiero continued to study composition on
his own and in the meantime had discovered the neglected music of Italian past, in the
Biblioteca Marciana, where he transcribed Monteverdi, Frescobaldi and Merulo.
Malipiero finally earned Bossi's approval and a diploma in Bologna in 1904. In 1905 he acted
as an amanuensis to Smareglia while the composer resided in Achile Tamburlini's house. The
encounter and friendship with Smareglia was significant for Malipiero's career, and it is
known that Malipiero claimed "to have learnt (especially about the orchestration) while taking
down elaborately scored music" (Waterhouse 1999: 10) more from this experience than from
his previous studies with Bossi." Malipiero also collaborated with Benco, who wrote the
libretti for his operas Elen e Fuldano (1907-9) and Canossa (1911-12).
11 Waterhouse mentions that the contacts with Smareglia deepened Malipiero's understanding of Wagner and in
developing his skills in orchestration, see Waterhouse, Gian Francesco Malipiero, p. 10, 92.
225
Appendix A - Personalia
Although there is little documentation left which tells us more about the relationship between
Malipiero and Smareglia (for example, about Malipiero being Smareglia's pupil, as Ariberto
Smareglia stated in his monograph), there is a letter, written by Malipiero in Vienna in 1907,
addressed to Benco, which reveals that Malipiero was staying with Smareglia in Vienna, and
was reporting Benco on the progress of the events (such as the performance of Nozze istriane,
and of the overture of Oceana). Malipiero's letter and telegram are kept in the Biblioteca
Civica in Trieste.
Manzutto, Gian Giacomo (Umago, Istria 1861 - ?)
The principal music critic of the irredentistic journal Ulndipendente, for which Benco wrote
(from 1890 to 1901). It was in his house that Benco and Smareglia met in 1894. The
information which we can gather from Benco's Ricordi and Smareglia's biographies is that
Manzutto, along with his brother Piero, was Smareglia's friend for many years, assisting him
(financially and morally) throughout the composer's career.12 In fact, it was he and Rocco
Pierobon who persuaded Benco to write his first libretto for Smareglia.
Although a graduate in law, Manzutto studied music in several towns: in Vienna with
Bruckner, in Bologna with Alessandro Busi, and in Trieste with Smareglia, Manzutto devoted
forty years of his career to journalism. He established himself in particular as a music critic for
L'Indipendente, where he was writing for 25 years. He is remembered in the history of music
in Trieste, along his younger colleague Silvio Benco, for defending the music of Wagner,
which was performed in Trieste in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. It had been
criticised by the older generation, in particular at the time that Wagner's later operas first
reached the city, for example Die Walkiire (1893) and Tristan und Isolde (1899). Manzutto
wrote for other newspapers such as La Nazione, Era Nuova and II Popolo di Trieste. During
the First World War he was a director of the Conservatorio Musicale Giuseppe Verdi in
Trieste, taking the place of the conductor Gialdino Gialdini.
Pierobon, Rocco
He was a school teacher from Piran, in Istria, who is often, but vaguely, mentioned in
Smareglia's correspondence and biographies. Benco recalled him as 'Smareglia's best friend',
who regularly visited the composer around the time when he started to lose his sight, informing
him of the local, political and cultural news of the day. Pierobon continuously helped to
promote Smareglia's music by stimulating him to work, and possibly it was he and Manzutto
12 In the Archive of the Civico Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmild" in Trieste, among the materials belonging to 'Dono
Elisa Tamburlini', there are numerous letters sent to Smareglia (at the time he lived in Venice) from Pietro
Manzutto, a famous wealthy industrialist from Istria. The letters were sent around 1900, from the Distilleria a vapore
in Umago (Istria).
226
Appendix A - Personalia
who might have persuaded Benco, in 1896, to start collaborating with Smareglia (Benco 1968:
57).13
Pozza, Giovanni (1852 - 1914) and Francesco (1855 - 1921)
Smareglia met the brothers Pozza when he first arrived in Milan in the 1870s. Giovanni, a
theatre and music critic, became his close friend, and wrote in 1875 the text for Smareglia's
student work, the "bozzetto musicale" Caccia lontana, as well as a few critical reviews of his
operas, published in the Milanese journal II Corriere della Sera. It is not clear if it was
Giovanni or his brother Francesco (who was a tenor) who wrote the libretto of Bianca da
Cervia (Milan 1882) for Smareglia; although it seems sensible to believe that it was Francesco,
since it was he who collaborated with Dlica in writing the libretto of 11 Vassallo di Szigeth
(Vienna 1889). The brothers Pozza, as mentioned in Ariberto Smareglia's biography, were
Smareglia's close friends while he lived in Milan.
Richter, Hans (Gyor 1843 - Bayreuth 1916)
Austro-Hungarian conductor. After having gained some musical training from his parents, in
1860 he went to the Vienna Conservatory to study piano, horn and violin, but had soon
managed to learn how to play all the instruments except the harp. He soon became assistant as
copyist, repetiteur and chorus master to Wagner, for the premiere of Die Meistersinger in
Munich in 1868, and he conducted the premiere of the Ring at the first Bayreuth Festival in
1876. Gradually, Richter became one of the most respected conductors of his time, engaged in
the major musical centres in Europe, such as Budapest, Vienna, Bayreuth and London.
Smareglia met Hans Richter in Vienna during 1888 and 1889, the time which Christopher
Fifield described as the conductor's "busiest year of his life". Richter was simultaneously
engaged with many musical posts all over Europe, and during the two-year period in Vienna
(1888 to 1900), he introduced a whole series of new works and new composers, among whom
was also Smareglia. As recalled in his biographies, in 1889 Smareglia went to the Hofoper in
Vienna for an audition set by the director Wilhelm Jahn. It was on this occasion that
Smareglia's opera II Vasallo di Szigeth (Der Vasall von Szigeth) was chosen for performance,
and it was conducted with great success later on in the same year by Hans Richter himself. In
1894 Richter also conducted Smareglia's next opera, Cornill Schut. The two artists met again
in Venice in 1901, while Richter was on a tour in Italy. As we learn from Ariberto Smareglia's
biography, on this occasion Richter had encouraged Smareglia, who was working on Oceana
13 It seems sensible to believe that among the numerous letters which remain unpublished there are more letters
which belong to Pierobon. Further research needs to be pursued with the materials of the Civico Museo Teatrale
"Carlo Schmidl" in Trieste, which can be found under the name "Dono Elisa Tamburlini", "Dono Maria Sai", as
well as other parts of the archive where there is documentation on Smareglia.
227
Appendix A - Personalia
at the time, to write a symphonic poem. The result of this was the Oceana suite, which
Smareglia dedicated to the great conductor.
Ricordi
Italian firm of music publishers, founded in Milan in 1808 by Giovanni Ricordi (1785 -
1853). From working in a small copying establishment, Ricordi's employment soon became
the publisher to the Milan Conservatory in 1811, and by 1814 the exclusive prompter and
copyist of La Scala. By 1825 he had bought the material of La Scala's musical archive, and
made similar contracts with the opera houses in Venice and Naples.
Under the management of his son, Tito Ricordi (1811 - 1888), who was himself a good
pianist, new printing methods were introduced, along with the opening of several new
branches, such as in London in 1875, and in Paris in 1888. The expansion of the business was
achieved by taking over several firms, including in 1888 its main competitor, the firm Lucca.
Tito's son Giulio Ricordi (1840 - 1912) took over the management of the firm shortly before
his father's death. Although his aptitude for music was shown in his compositions (among
which is the comic opera La secchia rapita, Turin 1910), he was also inspired in his decision
to support the operas of Verdi and in particular the whole career of Puccini. Gradually, Ricordi
opened new branches in Leipzig (1901) and New York (1911), as well as acquiring a few other
firms, among them the Trieste publisher C. Schmidl and Co. (1902).
After Giulio's death in 1912, his son Tito Ricordi (jr.) (1865 - 1933) took over the
management. Although he was talented as a producer, in his negotiations with the artists Tito
was regarded as 'impulsive, short-tempered, intransigent and dictatorial', as described by
Mosco Carner. Unlike his father, Tito managed to spoil the relationship with Puccini (by not
showing up at the Vienna production of Lafanciulla del West in 1913) which caused the opera
La rondine (Monte Carlo 1917) to be published by Sonzogno. Ricordi's catalogue, which in
1814 contained 176 publications, has expanded over the years in such a way that by the end of
the nineteenth century, the firm owned the exclusive rights of works which dominated the
operatic scenes in Italy and abroad. Unfortunately, the Ricordi family often used their power to
manipulate the repertoires of the theatres, and had no compassion for the composers from
whom they could not sense a commercial profit. Much as he supported Puccini's career, Giulio
Ricordi harmed Catalani's and Smareglia's.
The conflict which arose between Giulio Ricordi and Smareglia had greatly damaged
Smareglia's career because of the obvious power the publisher had in the sphere of opera
performances at the time. The grounds for their dispute are still unclear. As a proud
Wagnerian, Smareglia opposed Giulio at the beginning of his career. Nevertheless, rumours of
the time pointed to Giulio's more personal reasons for the intentional withdrawal of
228
Appendix A - Personalia
Smareglia's operas from Ricordi's catalogue (Preziosa, Milan 1879 and Bianca di Cervia,
Milan 1882, were taken over from the firm Lucca). An excerpt from a critical review written
by Giulio Ricordi himself for the firm's journal La Gazzetta musicale di Milano, illustrate's
the tone with which this influential publisher wrote about the composer:
Quando vidi annunciata un'opera del maestro Smareglia, mi venne la pelle d'oca!... Poiche lo
Smareglia per chi non lo sa, e terribile spregiatore della scuola italiana, cosi che, a suo dire, si
vergognerebbe di mettere il proprio nome sotto le piu splendide pagine dei piii celebri nostri
compositori! (from Mario Smareglia, Antonio Smareglia, p. 125).
Rietti, Arturo (Trieste 1863 - Padua 1943)
One of the most important Italian painters from Trieste in the early 20th century, whom
Smareglia met in Trieste. His portrait of Smareglia (the original is preserved in the Civico
Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl") was used by Benco on the cover of his Ricordi di Antonio
Smareglia.
Sai(z), Carlo
One of the leading and wealthiest Triestine industrialists in the first half of the twentieth
century. Smareglia was very fortunate to have met Sai in Trieste in the 1920s, because this
business man resolved most of his financial difficulties at the time. Sai's determination to help
Smareglia and his art was perhaps prompted by the fact that during those years, a strong
campaign was launched against the composer by the irredentisti, greatly harming his
popularity. Sai promoted the productions of Smareglia's operas in Trieste, and set up a
publishing house, the Casa Musicale Giuliana, in order to issue Smareglia's scores. The firm
had its own journal called Cronache d'arte, and each month added a special supplement
Cronache Smaregliane, a series of reviews dedicated to Smareglia. The activity of this firm
ceased in the late 1930s.
Between 1954 and 1959 the wife of Carlo Sai, Maria Sai, donated the materials regarding
Smareglia to the Civico Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl". Among the documentation there are
numerous letters, photographs, collected critical reviews, manuscripts of Benco's libretti (such
as Abisso).u
14 For a more complete description of Maria Sai's gift, see Favetta 1961, Preziosi autograft al Museo Teatrale
triestino. Trieste, pp. 14-15.
229
Appendix A - Personalia
Schmidl, Carlo (Trieste 1859 - Trieste 1943)
Italian music publisher and writer on music. He studied violin and music theory with his
father, who was a composer and conductor of Hungarian descent. After leaving school, at the
age of thirteen, he started an apprenticeship at the firm "Fondaco di Musica Vicentini". In
1889 he founded his own music establishment C. Schmidl and Co., and in the course of the
same year took over the Fondaco Vicentini.
In 1902 his firm was bought by Ricordi (a detail which curiously, C. Schmidl omits in his own
Dizionario Universale). However, Schmidl's entrepreneurial activity in music publishing did
not stop. He took over several other music firms, such as Mozarthaus from Vienna (1903).
Furthermore, from 1901 to 1906 Schmidl was in charge of running Ricordi's branch in
Leipzig.
He played an active role in musical life in Trieste by organising various concerts, in particular
of chamber music. He published a considerable amount of early music as well as contemporary
music (such as Respighi and Busoni for example), including Smareglia's. His wide interests in
the arts led to extensive research and writings on music, and resulted in Schmidl publishing II
Dizionario Universale dei Musicisti (first edition in Milan 1887-9, second edition in 1926, and
supplement in 1938). Over the fifty-year period of his activity as a music publisher, Schmidl
gathered an invaluable collection which includes old instruments, paintings, illustrations,
manifestos, photographs, books, letters and, particularly precious, hundreds of autographs. In
1922 he gave his collection to the Museo Teatrale Giuseppe Verdi in Trieste, of which he was
a curator from 1924 until his death. Along with the Archive of the Teatro Giuseppe Verdi, as
well as the archives of other Triestine theatres or music societies, Schmidl's patrimony forms a
part of what is nowadays called the Civico Museo Teatrale di Fondazione Carlo Schmidl, the
museum which is regarded as next to the Teatro alia Scala di Milano, the richest in Italy.
A substantial amount of documentation and materials belonging to Smareglia are held in
Civico Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl". While some belong to the materials collected by
Schmidl himself, various documentation can be found as a part of different 'gifts' made to the
archive following Schmidl's death in 1943. These include, among others, gifts from members
of the families which were part of Smareglia's circle, such as "Dono Elisa Tamburlini", "Dono
Segre", "Dono Silvano Smareglia", "Dono Adua Smareglia", "Dono Teodoro Costantini", and
"Dono Maria Sai". The materials are not systematized or catalogued individually, but are kept
as separate collections of materials, each of a different nature.
Among these 'gifts', particularly rich the "Dono Elisa Tamburlini" and the "Dono Maria Sai",
the latter including Smareglia's hat, a bust of the composer done by Paul Troubetzkoy, original
manifestos, programs and designs done for Oceana's premiere in 1903, original manuscripts of
230
Appendix A - Personalia
Benco's libretti (such as of Abisso), numerous letters which were dictated by Smareglia and
bear his signature (only some of which were published in the edition of 1974), letters written
by Benco, Manzutto, Schmidl, Smareglia's wife, as well as the original postcard and a letter
written by Romain Rolland (dated 22 November 1932 and 9 January 1933 respectively).
"Dono Elisa Tamburlini" includes numerous letters which were written to Smareglia while he
lived in Achille Tamburlini's house. Among these are the letters written by Ariberto
Smareglia, Pierobon, Giulia Smareglia, Pietro Manzutto, Smareglia's lawyer Giorgio de
Basseggio, Smareglia's wife, Hugo Tomicich, as well as the typescript of Hugo Tomicich's
monograph of Smareglia, entitled Der Grosse Einsame zum 100 Geburstage und 25 Todestage
das Opernkomponisten Antonio Smareglia. It must be stressed that the documentation of
various 'gifts', although kept in separate envelopes, can be found mixed in the same box.
Furthermore, since the materials are not catalogued it is hard to know what each of the
collection contains.
Sonzogno
Italian publishing firm, founded at the end of the eighteenth century by Giovanni Battista
Sonzogno. By 1861 the family business specialised in music publishing with Edoardo
Sonzogno (1836 - 1920), and became Ricordi's strongest rival after Lucca's disappearance. In
1881 the firm began to issue the periodical II teatro illustrato, and in 1882 the monthly La
musica popolare. It was the journal II teatro illustrato which, in 1883, introduced the
Sonzogno Competition for a one-act opera, with the purpose of encouraging the writing of
Italian operas. When in 1889 Mascagni's Cavalleria rusticana won the competition, the firm
continued to support the composers of the "young Italian school" such as Giordano,
Leoncavallo, Cilea, Franchetti, Wolf-Ferrari. From 1909 the company was managed by both
Riccardo (1871 - 1915) and Lorenzo Sonzogno (1877 - 1920), the two family members who
were in a dispute, and decided to run their business separately. In the end, Lorenzo reunited the
two firms in 1915 under the name of the Casa Musicale Sonzogno Soc.
In 1923, Sonzogno was bought by the industrialist Piero Ostali (1877 - 1961), and since then
has been run by his family. Over the years they continued to enrich the existing catalogue,
taking particular care over composers whose works remained neglected, such as Cilea's
Adriana Lecouvreur, Giordano's La cena delle beffe , and 11 Re .
Among the new composers taken on the firm after 1924 was Antonio Smareglia. As seen from
his letters, in 1912 Smareglia tried to negotiate a contract with Riccardo Sonzogno, with help
from his friend Luigi Illica, but the contract was not concluded. Another occasion offered itself
in 1924, between Sonzogno's new director and Smareglia's son Ariberto. It was during that
period that Smareglia asked Sonzogno to erase his previous dedication of Abisso to Toscanini.
231
Appendix A - Personalia
Such a dedication had been printed on the first page of the orchestral score published in 1913
in Vienna by the publisher Josef Eberle. Smareglia's contract with Sonzogno ended in 1928,
probably because at that time his Triestine friend, Carlo Sai, was about to open a publishing
house, called Casa musicale Giuliana, which would take care of all Smareglia's operas, except
for Preziosa and Bianca da Cervia, which belonged to Ricordi.
In 1975, Smareglia's grandchildren, Adua and Silvano Smareglia, decided to deposit the
preserved inheritance with Casa Sonzogno. The poor condition of the material meant that it
was regarded by the firm as "useless" (inservibile). Attempts to publish the vocal and
orchestral scores of several of his operas have not yet been successful.
Stagno, Roberto (Palermo 1840 -1897)
Italian tenor, married to the famous soprano Gemma Bellincioni, with whom he performed in
numerous verismo operas. He created the role of Lorenzo in the premiere of Smareglia's
Nozze istriane.
Tamburlini, Achille (Trieste 1873 - ?)
Venetian sculptor, painter and designer, who studied in Milan and Munich. He was a friend of
Smareglia in whose house Smareglia lived while in Venice (1901-3?). Most of the preserved
letters (in the archives of Civico Museo teatrale "Carlo Schmidl") were addressed to Achille
Tamburlini with an indication that it was "for Antonio Smareglia".
Toscanini, Arturo (Parma 1867 - New York 1957)
Italian conductor, studied cello, piano and composition at the Parma Conservatory. He first
became known in Rio de Janeiro when he conducted Aida at the age of 19, but made his Italian
debut later that year at the performance of Catalani's Edmea in Turin. When he was appointed
as the artistic director at La Scala (from 1898 until 1903) he struggled to educate Milan's
audience and modify their behaviour by making drastic decisions regarding their demands for
the encores. He also made efforts to enrich the repertoire, for example during the season of
1902 - 1903, when he was in favour of including Smareglia's Oceana. Toscanini and Boito
also indirectly influenced La Scala to stage Smareglia's last opera Abisso in 1914.
Despite their strained relations, Toscanini and Smareglia collaborated again in 1918, when the
conductor invited Smareglia to work on the completion of Boito's Nerone. Although they had
completed the first act, Toscanini interrupted the project and turned to Vicenzo Tommasini
instead. The conductor's attitude in this matter (in an interview he failed to mention
Smareglia's participation in the whole project), provoked further conflict between the two
232
Appendix A - Personalia
artists. More importantly, it created a general confusion in the standard reference literature
about who worked on the completion of Boito's opera.
Troubetzkoy, Paul (1866 - 1910?)
Russian sculptor and engraver who worked in Italy, pupil of Ernest Bazzaro in Milan. He
studied Nature in Italy, Russia and France, creating the works of extremely various styles. It is
thought that he was inspired by Rodin. He became Smareglia's friend while the composer lived
in Milan. Troubetzkoy is famous for having made a life-size statue of Puccini, situated in front
of Puccini's house in Torre del Lago, a sculpture of Catalani, and also the only one existing of
Smareglia. The bust is kept in the Civico Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl" in Trieste.
Zampieri, Riccardo (Trieste 1859 - 1930)
Italian journalist, one of the most famous patriots in the history of Trieste. He started to be
politically active early in his life, thanks to his friendship with Guglielmo Oberdan, and by
collaborating with various journals such as II Martello and La Giovane Trieste. He was
arrested numerous times, and spent several years of his life in prison (in Innsbruck in 1883 and
1889) or in detainment (1915-18).
Zampieri used his position as chief editor (from 1883) and later as a director of Trieste's
leading irredentistic newspaper L'Indipendente (from 1893-1914) to express his continuous
resistance against the Austrian government and to fight for freedom. The journal was known
for its daily attack on Austrian authorities, as well as for having most censorship of its material
and the largest number of arrests of staff.
As Mario Nordio described it, L'Indipendente was a "call for the battle", it was "una
bandiera" which, under the guidance of Zampieri became the "most arduous and audible
expression of irredentism" (Mario Nordio 1962).'5 Among the numerous collaborators around
him there were Italo Svevo, Umberto Saba, Arturo Colautti and Silvio Benco. Zampieri was a
friend of Benco's father Giovanni Benco, and was first to notice his talent for writing. He was
perceptive enough to sense Benco's patriotic feelings, which had been inherited from his
father, who was an active supporter of the Liberal Party.
Through Benco, Zampieri became Smareglia's friend. He admired art, having studied it
himself in Academia delle Belle Arti in Venice and having specialised in painting in Rome
(from 1879 to 1891). Among his other musician friends were Ferrucio Busoni and Luigi Ricci.
15 Mario Nordio was, like Silvio Benco, one of the young men around Zampieri on the editorial staff of the journal.
233
Appendix A - Personalia
Zuccoli, Delia de (1882 - 1949)
Italian writer of a noble family from Modena, wife of Silvio Benco. Her activity as a writer
began in 1901, when she took her first efforts to be read by Benco, who was at the time a
member of the editorial staff at L'Indipendente. Delia started to collaborate with the
newspaper, and in 1904 married Benco. Subsequently she worked with other journals and
newspapers, an activity which she pursued throughout her life. Her first book, Creature
(Bologna: Edizioni Appolo, 1926), was written as a collection of short stories, among which
one, entitled Mio marito, is dedicated to Silvio Benco. In 1937 her novel Ieri (Milan: Casa
Editrice Ceschina) was published. Delia narrates a story, set in Trieste, which evolves around
the lives of a brother and sister, Tito and Tita. In reality, the story is highly autobiographical,
depicting her own encounter with Silvio Benco. According to the Triestine literary critic,
Pietro Pancrazi, the writings of Delia Benco share something in common with those of
Slataper, Carlo and Gianni Stuparich, and Benco himself. Each of these artists were devoted to
Trieste, and wrote about their native town in its particularly eventful years in history (prior to
the First World War).
Delia was famous for her beauty, and her unusual and refined elegance and sense of style. It
appears, from numerous accounts, that she was a very distinctive character and made a definite
impression on the people in the city and on other artists (she was known for her close
friendship with then famous theatre actress Eleonora Duse). She has been described as a
genuine, complex and sparkling individual. Despite the fact that she had an innate curiosity it
was thought that she was not particularly intellectual; she deliberately relied on Benco's wider
genuine knowledge.
Zuccoli, Gastone de (Trieste 1887 - Trieste 1958)
Italian organist, pianist and composer. He acquired a basic musical education from his mother,
and then went to Parma to study piano, organ and composition with Arnaldo Galliera,
graduating from the Parma Conservatory in 1907. Soon after he graduated, Zuccoli taught
piano at the Trieste Conservatory, and became an eminent organist in the city. He was the
author of numerous compositions for piano, organ, piano and solo voice, of the popular
patriotic song for choir and orchestra entitled La riscossa. Inno di Redenzione della gente
giuliana (XXVIII ottobre - III novembre 1918) and of various orchestral compositions (such as
the symphonic poem Autunno, 1911 and La notte di Getsemani, 1921). Among his work there
234
Appendix A - Personalia
is also one theatrical work which remained unfinished: the one act opera, entitled II lago, was
set to a text written by Benco (in 1924).16
Zuccoli was close to Smareglia and his circle of friends at the time the composer lived in
Trieste. They developed a close friendship, and Smareglia taught the young composer
composition and orchestration; the influences can be traced in his work Autunno (there are
echoes of Abisso and Falena, according to Radole 1988: 222-223). According to Benco,
Smareglia dictated the music of Abisso to Zuccoli. The young artist was devoted to and
strongly believed in Smareglia, dedicating to the composer a book entitled Per un Ideale di
Giustizia! Ai giovani musicisti d'ltalia (For an ideal of justice! To the young musicians of
Italy), first published in Trieste in 1912). The same volume was issued again by Circolo
Musicale Giuliana in 1923 as Antonio Smareglia, Monografia sulle opere del Maestro, con
note musicali illustrative.
Zonca, Conte Gaudenzio dalla
Italian business man, originally from Dignano in Istria (the original setting for Smareglia's
Nozze istriane). He helped Smareglia financially, and let him use his villa in Arcade al Piave at
the time when Smareglia was working on Oceana. One of his sons, Primo della Zonca, became
Smareglia's pupil and took down the dictation (of Oceana) from Smareglia.
16 Benco's manuscript of this one act drama is preserved in the Archive of the Biblioteca Civica in Trieste. Along
with the text, there are also Zuccoli's own sketches of music for the future opera. It is from this handwriting that we
can recognise that Zuccoli was involved in taking dictations from Smareglia and in copying Smareglia's music since
the same handwriting appears on the several of preserved handwritten copies of Smareglia's score, kept in the
Archives of Casa Musicale Sonzogno in Milan.
235
Appendix A - Personalia
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
APPENDIX B - UNPUBLISHED LETTERS
The following is the transcription of 13 unpublished letters written by Antonio Smareglia to Silvio Benco.
The composer dictated them to his scribes; through the signatures which were, at times, placed at the
bottom of these letters we learn that these were his son Ariberto Smareglia, his friend and student Primo
dalla Zonca, and another copyist whose name was not signed in any of the letters. These letters make a
significant contribution to the published part of Smareglia's correspondence. The transcripts correct a
small number of misspellings and details of punctuations (capitalisation, paragraphing, adding some
omitted quotation marks) and use italics for the title ofworks; these revisions have been done only when
it seemed appropriate to do so and for the benefit of the reader (to avoid the usage of 'sic!').The
passages in [square brackets] are editorial: usually these were illegible words whose meaning was
possible to guess. In several cases there were parts of letters missing. Ifplaced at the start of the letter,
the text in the brackets includes my own comments on the letter.
These letters are kept in the diplomatic archives of the Biblioteca Civica "A. Hortis" in Trieste. They
form part of the manuscripts belonging to the patrimony of Silvio Benco, are catalogued in the box
"numero 10" as Benco's "correspondence received" (corrispondenza ricevuta), and bear the signature
R. P. Ms. Misc. 58. Some of the letters were transcribed and quoted by Giuliana Novel in her article
"Visione musicalissima" e "simbolo pittoricola Falena di Silvio Benco e Antonio Smareglia'I
There are numerous other letters, either written by Smareglia or to him, which are awaiting
transcription and publication. Some are kept in Piacenza, while 78 additional letters are mentioned in a
letter in the archives ofCivico Museo Teatrale "Carlo Schmidl" in Trieste; it is likely that these letters
belong to the "gift ofElisa Tamburlini",which the Tamburlini family left to the archives.1
Letter with no number, [missing the beginning; black ink, handwriting different from that of Ariberto
or Primo dalla Zonca]
... [A]lle prove: tornero quindi per Trieste unicamente per trovare te e qualche altro amico e soprattutto
per discutere sul nuovo libretto. Ho definitivamente [rinunziato] alia [Morte dell'] usignolo e distruggero
la musica scritta: vorrei pero che il libretto [capitasse] in mani possibilmente [degne] e se credi mi
occuperd qui a Milano o te lo rimandero. Naturalmente vorrei che tu facessi un buon affare. Scrivimi il
tuo desiderio in proposito. Ho ritoccato qualche breve episodio del primo e secondo atto [dell'] Abisso
[....] definitivamente finito ma non penso piu: nel prossimo mese si stampera.
Lunedi saro a Milano per rimetter a posto il III atto [dell'] Oceana per pubblicare la nuova edizione: ho
poi sviluppato i preludi Cornill ch'erano di [funzione] troppo ristretta perche possano andare con qualche
importanza nei concerti.
1 See Ivano Cavallini and Paolo da Col, eds., "Cosmopolitismo e nazionalismo nella musica a Trieste", pp. 45-65.
2 The letter [the author's name is illegible] mentioned was written in October 1960, and talks about the sculptor
Achille Tamburlini living in Venice from 1900-1901 in "palazzo Contarini". Smareglia was a guest in the sculptor's
house for a while. The author comments that the widow of the sculptor had left him a total of 78 letters, which the
composer received while he lived in their house.
237
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
In Novembre e Decembre voglio scrivere una suite per orchestra e intendo spero che tu avrai trovato il
nuovo libretto. Scrivi mi a Milano al solito via Pagano 50. [...] che finalmente ti concedi un po' di riposo
tanto piu ch'ero sempre preoccupato per te...[...].
Ti saluto, tuo Antonio Smareglia.
[Rovigo], 12 V 1912.
Letter B. C. 1251 [same handwriting as in the letter with no number]
Caro Benco,
Ti mando un libretto con le ultime tue correzioni; io ho finito di mettere a posto il I atto e le
modificazioni ma non sono molto [certo] [...] se [stesse] importanti ma assai utili per l'insieme e per la
chiarezza dell'azione. Ti prego di scrivermi subito se ritieni di cambiare a pag. 15 le parole di Mariela:
"Vorrei piacergli", a pag. 22 per il tuo esame, e a pag. 21: "Cattivo! Cattivo!" che mi sembra forse troppo
realistico. Se pero tu vuoi conservare tutto come sta, se non sei cioe della mia opinione, informami con
cartolina o mandami i [...] cambiamenti. Non aver paura delle modificazioni sulla battaglia per
correggere quel taglio brusco di 20 battute: le ridurro alia meta circa o poco piu e qui ti accludo uno [...]
dal quale puoi farti una idea come erano costruite le 30 battute tagliate. Se tu aggiungi qualche
brevissima esclamazione per Gisca, Mariela e di Vito e Hanno, esclamazioni che sopportino qualche
pausa tra Tuna e l'altra siamo a posto. Si trattera in tutto di circa 4 versi: si potrebbe anche modificare le
parole di Hanno: "E tu - su miei passi che vuoi? E tu - via, donne! Libera il campo!", in modo che Gisca
e Mariela rimangano al proscenio al punto che dicono: "Mariela, Gisca ancor sorelle" (pag. 62).
Temo pero che in questa forma non si riesce ad evitare l'inoperosita e Timbarazzo che Gisca e Mariela
possano [avere] ancora sul palcoscenico. Tu ricordi certo come riusciva e dove languiva il [...] dunque
fa quello che credi fa il meglio o in ogni modo credo che per te si tratta di fare soltanto quattro versi.
Credi che la Baldassan potrebbe fare la Gisca? Sarebbe certo un'ottima Marussa, sebbene ha il difetto di
pronunciar poco [chiaramente], Probabilmente alia fine del mese andro a Milano per parlare con
Toscanini e per sentire qualche cantante. Salutami il maestro [Vigna?] se lo [vedi],
Saluti tuo Smareglia.
Letter B. C. 1252 [the handwriting the same as in letter 1251]
Caro Benco,
[...] tomato da Fiume mi disse che al Teatro Nuovo hanno stabilito di fare in autunno le Nozze e che al
Comunale hanno intenzione di fare [in primavera] Abisso ma questo non [potra] venir definito sino in
dicembre perche [con] quell'opera scade il contratto con Tattuale impresa e bisogna attendere che venga
rinnovato l'appalto con f impresa che sara la stessa di prima. [...].
[...] fra una decina di giorni circa avro finito tutte le modificazioni che voglio portare a Milano a
Toscanini prima della meta di maggio. Ti prego di non [...] a accomodarmi ancor un paio di versi:
"Han congiunto le voci ..."
238
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
"Cantano felicita
bisogna che l'ultimo verso sia un settenario con Faccento sulla seconda sillaba perche deve sostituire "la
lor felicita". Qui mi e propio impossibile mutare l'accento [p. c. ?][per cortesia?] congiunti insieme
cantano la loro felicita (tanto per spiegarmi) ma bisogna che tra l'uno e l'altro verso vi possa essere
qualche battuta di aspetto, cioe che il [concetto] di un verso sia indipendente da quello dell'altro.
Nella battaglia ho tagliato parecchie battute quindi ho dovuto stringere il coro interno. Pag 60: almeno
nella musica deve essere cosi....
"A la morte [...] abbiamo i petti
A la morte [sacro] abbiamo le spade!
O giunte spade,
Oltre [alia] morte portateci lassu!"
Come vedi il III verso e ridotto a quinario [liscio], puoi quindi modificare piu il senso.
Nel III atto non credi sarebbe bene tagliare del tutto il campanaro? Si perde [...] soltanto l'importante
[...]: la pazza, la pazza!
[...] si pud supporre che Gisca venga in scena attratta dalle campane sulla torre perche compare dopo
pochi tocchi affidati all'attuale campanaro in quanto si potrebbe supporre ch'ella si sia rifugiata nel
castello. [...]
Tuo Smareglia
Letter B. C. 1253 [the handwritting differs from that of Ariberto or Primo dalla Zonca]
Caro Benco,
sono lieto di sapere che in breve penserai al nuovo libretto e ti ringrazio. Ti avevo proposto un elemento
o ambiente slavo prevalente perche si presta a una espressione musicale assai passionale elemento gia
sviluppato nelle Nozze Istriane e che riesce sempre efficacissimo. D'altronde non e indispensabile
nemmeno il colore slavo, si tratta di fare una cosa vibrante con personaggi assai staccati nel loro
carattere, eventualmente con qualche elemento comico o caratteristico ecc. In una parola un'opera di
forte impressione. Per popolare intendevo passioni e movenze psichiche che tutti siano in grado di sentire
e condividere, non dunque idealita astratte o visioni poetiche, bisognera evitare svolgimenti di azioni
parallele che non risultano quasi mai, infine di limitare al piu possibile le esigenze vocali e orchestrali.
Sono certo che ormai tu sai meglio di me cosa effettivamente vorrei e piu certo sono ancora che farai una
cosa magnifica. Non importi di fare il libretto in fretta, e un ottimo sistema che le situazioni si sviluppino
naturalmente dai loro germi sino a tanto che risultano complete. Se avro il libretto per la prossima
primavera anche in aprile, bastera. Intanto vorrei fare un operetta avendo per combinazione conosciuto
un libretto che mi sembra straordinario tale da fare sperare i piu brillanti risultati finanziari: non mi
sembra necessario far tutta la vita l'uomo serio una parentesi simile a qualche [sbornia] non dovrebbe far
male.
239
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
Scrivimi che te ne pare. Ariberto per ragioni di [tipo] militare verra a Trieste ai primi d'ottobre e
t'informera dettagliatamente su tutto, in breve spero mandarti il libretto dell'operetta che avrebbe per
titolo ["Mamut"] per avere il tuo autorevole parere del quale terro conto assoluto per [?...non readable
half of the page]
[...?] la scala posso dirti che il pseudo mecenate Duca non e altro che uno speculatore socio di Renzo
Sonzogno, la cosa e ormai pubblica e non manca di fare un po' di scandalo o almeno commenti certo
poco lusinghieri per quella maschera di mecenate. Cio ti spiega che anche quest'anno ci sono alia Scala
quasi quattro novita di Renzo o a lui date in rappresentanza: Donne furiose, Salome, Feuersnot,
Habanera. La [camorra] milanese e cosi [?] e peggiorata ma si spera che in breve la brutta cosa
provochera reazione e forse scandalo. Procura startene via da Trieste il piu possibile per rinforzarti i
polmoni e le gambe.
Che come mi scrivi hanno dato risultati superiori a qualsiasi aspettativa [?...] tanto che mi rallegro di
cuore. In breve ti scrivero ancora circa Vienna, Napoli ecc. E se non avro nulla Ariberto ti portera
qualche notizia, ti saluto.
Come sta tuo fratello [Rico?] Tuo Smareglia Antonio
Letter B. C. 1254
[red ink, handwritting the same as in 1253; an incomplete letter since it bears no signature]
Caro Benco!
Ci siamo perfettamente intesi sui cambiamenti e credo che tu gli hai fatto con convinzione perche vanno
benissimo, si trattera forse ancora di piccolissime cose nel primo atto, cioe:
1. Cambiami il vocabolo mortori nell'entrata di Uberto. II vocabolo cantato riesce disgustoso e puoi
sostituirlo con sventura, affanni, crucci, od altro consimile. L'attuale verso suona: "Par che attenda
mortori e attenda amor".
2. Converra ancora con lo stesso sistema ampliare le frasi di Uberto e Stellio nella scena del ladro,
cioe; "Innanzi alia giustizia sacra degli avi nostri (che cosi che cola) quest'uomo accuso": Stellio:
(invece che "uccise e tradi") un verso ... un ffase. Uberto: "Rubo le prede de la caccia di corsa
d'Averardo!" Sostituisci con due versi piu lunghi senza la corsa d' Averardo. Stellio: "Al tuo
sovrano (che cosi che cola) discolpati o confessati" (cioe piu lungo) e cio e tutto che ti prego di
mandarmi al piu presto trattandosi di 4 parole. Ho riscritto a [Franchi] pregandolo di spedirmi un
libretto dell'edizione di Roma, non ho avuto risposta, ti prego di scrivere anche tu una cartolina
pregando di spedire un libretto anche te, e che gli rimetteremo il relativo [franco]. Mi spiace assai la
non venuta di Rocco e gli dirai che lo dichiaro porco sperando che rimediera in breve perche
altrimenti lo chiamero cinghiale. Ieri ho comperato L'Illustrazione col tuo [pupolo]. A casa mia lo
guardavano e lo commentavano in tutti i sensi. Io sono stato lietissimo ed orgoglioso di vederti
finalmente illustrato e argomentato anche per un senso egoistico di non essere cioe io solo
disonorato.
240
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
Attendo La Fiamma Fredda per la quale ho grande curiosita. D'Annunzio ti ha mai scritto? Sai niente
del progetto d'Albano? Nemmeno circa l'idea del poeta sulla tragedia musicale progettata e che
dovevamo fare assieme? Di a Manzutto che mi e piaciuto molto il suo sproloquio sulla Germania meno
qualche proliscita e citazione di carattere tecnico inutile mi e sembrata esatta e scritta con competente
convinzione stando sempre al criterio che mi sono formato da cio che ho sentito dire. Ferrari ieri mi
assicurava che a Napoli e Roma, la Germania ebbe un insuccesso finanziario e produsse la piu profonda
noia. Ferrari disse essere stato a Roma e Napoli e assicura esatte le sue informazioni aggiungendo che I
[sic] articoli dei giornali in proposito [svisanti] la realta sono mistificazione a base di biglietti di Banca.
Mandami l'articolo che hai scritto su Toscanini dalla Scala, non ho nessuna notizia circa una
combinazione di una mia opera per l'anno venturo come mi avevano detto. Tutto sommato [i] fatti di
questi signori sono molto differenti dalle loro parole, esclamazioni, e proteste. Schuch mi scrive che mi
aspettava alia fine di Aprile o al piu tardi del 1 di maggio, partendo egli alia meta di questo mese.
Informa quindi Kurelik di anticipare la partenza. Vedrai, caro Benco, che ora faremo una Falena come tu
forse la vedevi nella fantasia. Anche per conti...
... [missingpages].
Letter B. C. 1255 [handwriting appears to be that of Primo dalla Zonca]
Da Venezia, 27 [?]
Caro Benco,
mi dispiace che sia andata smarrita la mia lunga lettera contenente anche due lettere di [Gastone] con le
quali m'informava che anche alia sesta uscita di Oceana il Teatro era tutto venduto, che il successo fu
superiore per applausi e chiamate a tutte le altre recite ma che Oceana non si puo fare piu poiche
Zanatello deve fare 11 Ballo in maschera e probabilmente I Lituani, ecc. ecc.
Ti scrivevo poi, che voglio ora pubblicare la Falena e che e indispensabile introdurvi qualche
modificazione o meglio qualche aggiunta.
Alcuni episodi mancano del necessario sviluppo per ottenere l'impressione e specialmente, manca
qualche assai utile [sviata?] lirica, [vulgo?] cantata. Ricevo un libretto di Falena, ma mi occorreva
l'edizione di Roma che ti prego di pescar fuori da Manzutto o dal De Sancti, credo uno devi averne
anche tu.
Ecco le aggiunte indispensabili al 1° atto:
1. Dopo il verso d'Uberto: "... che han rallegrato la figlioula mia!" aggiungere altri due continuando il
concetto per attaccare: "Povero vecchio, predicando vo"
2. Dopo il verso: "Pazienza e un' altra eta!..." aggiungere un paio di brevi spezzati fra il coro e Albina
e poi almeno altri 10 versi per Uberto di carattere melodico nella struttura, nel metro e nel concetto,
per attaccare poi: Re Stellio torna da la sua caccia"...
Questa sortita del baritono che e gia sacrificato nella sua parte, per la troppa brevita era appena degna di
un comprimario: un logo con ampliamento quindi sara utilissimo.
241
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
3. Converra aggiungere un paio di versi ancora sempre per Uberto prima o dopo il verso: "...Frenate i
palpiti! Ci vuol pazienza..."
4. Cambierai il concetto nel verso di Albina: ... "Conturbate, da uno sbattere d'ali , strano ... strano..."
per eliminare tutto cio che ha della farfalla o del volare cio che trasse in errore e in malevoli
commenti sul personaggio di Falena. Occorrera pero conservare la quantita di sillabe, cioe la
lunghezza del verso.
5. Aggiungere altri due versi per Stellio dopo il verso:"... cacciato per i poveri a lor dono le prede!..."
Stara bene per l'entrata di Stellio un ampiamento di frase. Non mi piace l'esclamazione di Stellio:
"Uberto! Uberto!" dopo il verso: "ch'e una dolce parola: perdonare." E oscura quanto [mai] e non
dice niente. Veniamo all'ultimo brano: cambierai l'esclamazioni di Stellio: "Vattene o la mia gente
chiamo ... la mia gente chiamo", perche mi sembra ingenua e puerile dato il momento, sostituirla
con una frase efficace.
6. A1 nuovo brano che ti accludo, al verso: "dolcemente dormi re Stellio!..." bisogna fare per la Falena
un piii largo sviluppo circa dieci versi di volutta, di seduzione, di incantamento e il momento si
presta ed il concetto e gia accennato dal verso suddetto: "dolcemente dormi Re Stellio". Cos! la
Falena avra una frase calda di carattere voluttuoso insinuante che contrastera moltissimo col
carattere della sua entrata, e mettera subito in vista anche la parte sensuale del suo essere perche
l'appunto il nuovo brano dovrebbe essere pieno di promesse insinuanti, voluttuose, sensuali. In
questo brano potranno venir gettate esclamazioni o qualche frasetta di Albina per non lasciarla sulla
scena imbarazzata col far niente. Dopo questo brano altri tre o quattro versi energici, satanici per
fmire col versi: "stanotte, quando l'anima ti chiamero..." e la Falena sparira dopo aver introdotto
veramente una forte e svariata impressione sull'[auditorio].
Dopo questa sparizione si deve sentire la voce di Uberto chiamante Albina, e Uberto entrera in scena
dopo sparita la Falena; egli non deve averla vista, e qui si svolgera una breve scena dove Albina narrera
l'accaduto fra singhiozzi (e qui acceneremo il brano musicale del pianto, del secondo atto). Anche
Uberto avra qualche frase di dolore cantata, tutto sara breve cioe proporzionato per attacare poi il verso:
"Deh, tutti venite! Venite da le case ...", ecc.
Lavorero ad Uberto dopo: quattro garzoni intanto le esigenze qualitative: "Forti nel braccio e d'animo
gentile". Queste sono frette e false dato il momento psichico del personaggio e rotonderai la frase
aggiungendo alcune parole calde che sviluppano una buona frase melodica.
II finale poi resta come era, per conto tuo, io pero ho imaginato un ritocco musicale che fondera tutto in
una sola cosa. L'atto 2° per quanto riguarda a te puo rimanere come nell'edizione di Roma. Io faro
qualche lieve miglioramento nella musica.
Atto 3° La scena tra Stellio e la Falena prima che chiamino: "O morio! O Morio!" deve venire ampliata,
svolgendo maggior richezza, varieta e forza di passione, di scatti con qualche frase violenta specialmente
per la Falena, qualche tirata melodica o drammatica, perche come sta la scena e povera, meschina e la
Falena in questo atto non riesce sulla scena ad ottenere impressione alcuna. Nell'opera i personaggi per
impressionare devono cantare, manifestare i sentimenti svariati del loro carattere e Wagner ne fa un
242
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
esempio luminoso nei suoi libretti che fa fare ai suoi personagi delle tirate di lunghezza anche esagerata
per ottenere equilibrio con la parte sinfonica che fa lo sfondo dei suoi lavori.
Nella didascalia dopo le parole di Falena: "Stellio, aiuto!... Stellio, addio!..." elimina lo svolazzare che
pure ha dato luogo a malevoli e sbagliate interpretazioni sul personaggio. Via pure il vola ...
Cambiare quindi l'idea:... e una grande farfalla che vola per le ... che e facilmente sostituibile con altro
verso che non stabilisca la farfalla. Nel finale occorrerebbe aggiungere una frase, strofa celestiale per
Albina che non dice ora che due parole.
Forse anche a Stellio verso la fine gli si potrebbe far fare qualche altro slancio melodico, aggiungendo
qua o la qualche verso.
Caro Benco, e assai bene che la Falena non si sia ancora pubblicata perche aveva delle imperfezioni e
delle deficienze specialmente nello sviluppo. I personaggi per interressare sulla scena esigono
assolutamente una data estensione della loro parte e cio per quanto riguarda i singoli dettagli e l'insieme.
Ogni parte presa per se stessa va esaminata ed elaborata in modo che dia un'esplicazione interessante.
Tutto sommato per conto tuo si tratta di pochi versi, io ritocchero anche dei brani che nel libretto restano
conservati; nelle aggiunte ti raccomando d'informarti specialmente alia forma lirica musicalmente
parlando melodica, poiche di declamato ce n'e abbastanza forse troppo, e con questo elemento unico non
s'impressiona sufficientemente, trattandosi di cantanti che devono cantare. Non dico questo per criteri
speculativi, commerciali, ma per una neccessita estetica che forma la base dell'esistenza del
melodramma.
Ora La Falena andra subito alle stampe e bisogna ridurla in modo che per perfezione di proporzioni e
equilibrio e per richezza non stia troppo distante daWOceana che rimarra sempre superiore. La Falena
pero avra il vantaggio di essere composta di elementi tragici e fortemente drammatici che ottengono
sempre le piii forti impressioni nei pubblici. Ti prego di trovare un libretto nell'edizione di Roma e
mandarmi al piu presto che ti e possibile i cambiamenti unitamente al libretto.
Almeno quelli del 1° atto mio occorrono prestissimo, per incomincare il lavoro e dar l'opera alle stampe;
spero quindi che al piu tardi me li manderai per Rocco che credo sara a Venezia mercoledi 8. I motivi
che ora voglio occuparmi di Falena te li esporro a voce e chissa non riesca combinarla alia Scala con la
Termina e Borgatti che devono fare il Crepuscolo. Conserva questa mia perche possa ricordarmi quanto
ti ho scritto e risentire sui singoli punti alia tua venuta a Venezia.
Addio saluti da Primo
Tuo Ant Smareglia.
1. Cambia nel brano nuovo le parole di Albina. "E si vicino ... eppure tanto lontano".... Questo
giochetto di parole guasta il momento appassionato drammatico.
[some pages of the letter missing?]
Brano nuovo aggiunto:
243
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
Stellio: Vattene, o chiamo gente!
Ignota: Vuoi la nemica o l'amante, di?
Stellio. minaccia: La mia gente chiamo!
L'Ignota, con uno stridulo riso: Tu questa notte l'anima tua
chiamerd dal sonno,
dal sonno che su te
con l'ali nere stendo!
(si frappone tra Stellio ed Albina ed allarga su lui il manto. Stellio indietreggia, pur non potendo togliere
gli occhi da quello di lei)
Albina (con un grido): Stellio! Da me lontano!
Stellio!
L'ignota: La notte e mia!
E quando impongo un sonno inesorabile sul ciglio de gli umani, [ei]
non si destano
Se non per correr folli tra le tenebre a cercar le mie braccia: Stellio e
mio!
(Stellio cade sui ginocchi e [prostende] le mani supplici, L'Ignota. sempre guardandolo, si allontana fino
al limitare [del bosco] d'onde e uscita. Qui si ferma. Stellio, levatosi, con [frasi] barcollanti, si dirige
dietro i suoi occhi, dietro il cenno bianco della sua mano. Albina lo segue supplicando
Albina: Stellio! Stellio! Non ode?...
Non m'ode piu..
Son come straniera...
E si vicino ... e pure
Tanto lontano
(Stellio ricade sui ginocchi e sembra non poter vincere il torpore)
L'Ignota (chinando su lui): Dolcemente dormi,
re Stellio! ... Io chiamero Tu sorgerai...
a me verrai...
ecc ecc.
Stellio: Lo sguardo
Mi tiene ... mi strugge ... m'annienta
Spietato ... divorro
Ne l'occhio la lagrima...
Sul l'abbro il lamento.
(ma sotto il guardo dell'ignota, ei non puo piu parlare; gli s'inventrano, gli si spengono gli occhi a poco a
poco; egli china la testa sul l'erba e il sopore lo vince)
Ignota: Stanotte, quando l'anima ti chiamero dal sonno,
O re,
Signor de gli uomini
verrai da la sovrana piu potente di te!
244
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
(Ella passa accanto al corpo disteso, come per assicurarsi di lui; giunta al limite del bosco, vi si caccia,
com'e venuta, con un balzo selvaggio: le sue vesti s'aprono che paiono ali. Per un istante un muto terrore
regna su la scena (qui entrera Uberto)
voce di Uberto (piu vicino): Albina! Dove sei, Albina?
Albina (gridando accorrendo a quella volta: Aiuta, aiuta padre mio!
Segue la scenetta, di cui ti ho parlato fra Albina e Uberto e poi: Deh, tutti venite!, ecc., ecc.
[the letter includes no clear ending]
Letter B. C. 1256 [signature by Ariberto Smareglia. On the top of the letter added commentary:
"indirizzo di Ferrari e: Rodolfo Ferrari Sasso Praduro. Bologna"]
Caro Benco!
II mio amico [Tavernier] da Torino mi scrive che [sui] concerti orchestrali che avranno luogo durante
TEsposizione si vuole eseguire la "Suite" e l'Overture de\YOceana. Spero che una o l'altra eseguira
Hans Richter in uno dei concerti da lui diretti. Per consiglio del Tavernier ho proposto al Commitato di
rappresentare o La Falena o le nuove Nozze Istriane secondo che alia compagnia si addattera meglio o
l'una o l'altra opera. Direttore delle opere e dei concerti sara il Ferrari al quale ho scritto oggi pregandolo
di appoggiare il progetto. Mi faresti il piacere di scrivergli anche tu due righe in proposito. II Tavernier
poi mi scrive[:] cio che tu devi immancabilmente fare e di mandare al piu presto possibile dati e
schiarimenti dell'opera tua in genere, e dell'Oceana in ispecie all'avv. L. et Villanis (via Manzoni No. 2,
Torino) il quale aspetta ansiosamente per comunicare a parlare di te e dell'arte tua e prepararti cost il
terreno. Ho scritto oggi al Villanis dicendogli che ho pregato te di disimpegnare tale ufficio. Tu sai ch'io
non saprei cosa dire ne su me ne sui miei lavori o in ogni modo mi troverei assai imbarazzato. Spero
vorrai sobbarcarti questo sacrificio e ti prego di scrivermi subito [se] lo farai ma come vedi occorrerebbe
subito. Io intanto gli spedisco spartito dell 'Oceana e del libretto nonche la riduzione per piano della
"Suite". Puoi parlarli di Cornill, Nozze, Falena di Oceana. I tuoi appunti su quest'opera che andavano
bene assai li diedi al Pozza del Corriere ma spero che potrai ricostruirli. Ti accludo il campione anzi un
pezzettino d'una raccolta di [...] che divorera e spero il venerdi santo un paio anche con te e Rocco. Fa
analizzare questo pezzettino da qualche eccellente [chimico] e vedrai che si compone di sostanze
squisite. Ti saluto, scrivimi al piu presto,
tuo Antonio Smareglia[signed in Smareglia's name by Ariberto]
[added text by Ariberto]: "Hai pigliato qualche fucilata dai soldati austriaci? Ariberto.
Letter B. C. 1257 [handwriting by Ariberto Smareglia]
245
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
Carissimo Benco!
Sono a Venezia da Domenica [corr.]. Non ti ho scritto prima perche di giorno in giorno speravo poterti
dire qualcosa di buono, di positivo, in via assoluta non posso ancora scriverti niente ma c'e la piu grande
probablilta che per l'apertura dell' [Esposizione?] si apra la Fenice con Oceana con la messa in scena
della Scala e artisti buonissimi tutti approvati da me. Spero che fra pochi giorni quanto ti scrivo diventera
notizia ufficiale. Per ora pero non far parola con nessuno meno che con amici intimi. Ti accludo le
informazioni di Costantini e [Gastone] della V recita. Da persone che assistettero alia recita seppi che vi
fu la piu grande attenzione applausi calorosi e molte esclamazioni di: "bravi e bene" durante gli atti e che
si chiese il bis del quintetto che Toscanini fa bene di non [accordare]. II piu significante pero si e che al
camerino stava affisso il cartello: "Tutto esaurito". Lunedi dopo la tua partenza seppi da Toscanini e
Casazza che il direttore Madero dell'opera di Budapest (che assisteva alia seconda recita) disse loro che
VOceana e un vero assoluto capolavoro. Come sai il Madero e un discinto musicista che pure scrisse
opere e sinfonie. Per conto mio sono convinto che VOceana trionfera e che gli idioti e cammorristi della
Scala non bastano a demolirla. Anzi per essere completamente sincero con te ti dico che il nostro lavoro
mi [lumi?] della ribalta ha sorpassato le mie aspettative per l'intensita d'impressione e per la perfezione
dei dettagli e di tutto l'insieme. Dirai a Rocco che l'aspetto, come d'accordo, ai ultimi [nei quali] giorni
tengo certo si rappresentera alia Scala. Cosa ti pare del modo che quel cretino dz\Ylllustrazione italiana
ha trattato il libretto?
Su quell'articolo avrei [...] appunto perche [da fonte te] amico come quei famosi due Pozza...
Mandami quei 4 versi del duetto dell'Usignolo. Intanto ti abbraccio e ti saluto sperando di vederti presto
a Venezia per la messa in scena d'Oceana.
Tuo Antonio Smareglia. Smareglia. [signature by the composer]
Letter B. C. 1258 [handwriting by Ariberto Smareglia. Signed by the composer himself]
Caro Benco!
Ricevo i cambiamenti del terzo atto che vanno magnificamente bene e sono perfetti; anche di quelli del
secondo dico lo stesso, soltanto non riesco a trovare la modificazione dei versi a pag. 39:
Stellio: Vino, Renata
Vino e sogni a Re Stellio!
Renata (didascalia): Bevi!...
Poiche al vino e al bere per la 2° volta abbiamo deciso di rinunciare, altro non c'e da fare. In quanto alle
didascalie mi [occorrerebbero] esatte per mettere nello spartito prima che nelle bozze di stampa ma in
ogni modo c'e tempo perche dalla tua partenza non ho ne scritto ne pensato una notamancando quindi
tutte le modificazioni del II e III atto alle quali auguro di potermi accingere al piu presto.
Qui mi venne parlato del progetto di dare le Nozze Istriane questo Carnevale al Rossini rimanendo chiusa
la Fenice e pensano anzi di [scritturare] il tenore Paoli Antonio. Vedremo e t'informero!
Delia Tosca non sapevo niente di esatto perche i giornali italiani continuano a mistificare tutti e tutto a
vantaggio degli editori e delle [boiate] dilettantesche. Intanto questi fanno soldi e noi moriamo
246
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
d'accidente o [d'inedia]! Notizie buone le aspetto sempre quindi non posso dartene e percio non ho altro
che dirti in compenso ti accludo un'interessante circolare che arriva in molti esemplari sino a Venezia,
falla leggere anche a Pierobon che gli piacera. Credo che le modifiche alle didascalie si riduranno a
poche parole.
Son contento che al Piccolo non ti trovi tanto male ma io spero per te sempre e in breve una posizione di
gran lunga migliore.
Ti saluto affettuosamente ricordami a tua mamma e i tuoi. Di salute stiamo bene.
Ringraziandoti, tuo aff. Antonio Smareglia. Smareglia [signature by the composer]
PS. Non riesco a trovare la circolare. Gallone mi fa sapere che eseguira in un grande concerto a Roma la
Suite delVOceana, esecuzione che mi rende qualche spesa e niente altro.
PS. Caro Benco! Ho letto nel 'Trieste": [...] delle [...] d'un Ricciolti Garibaldi, si metteranno presto le
pive nel "sacco". Saluti, Ariberto.
Letter B. C. 1259 [on paper headed as 'Milan, Hotel National, Place de la Scala. Handwriting by Primo
dalla Zonca]
Carissimo Benco,
splenditamente procedono le prove di Oceana, fra l'ammirazione di Toscanini e di tutti i professori
d'orchestra. E neccessario che tu debba essere a Milano al piu tardi Giovedi. Ieri [fummono] da Boito
che confermo la sua bella opinione sul libretto e si mostro entusiasta e sorpreso della musica. Speriamo
che cosi abbia pure a pensarla il pubblico del 20.
Io sto benissimo malgrado il terribile tempo di qui e sperando che non ti farai aspettare ti saluto
affettuosamente assieme a Primo.
Tuo Ant. Smareglia
Salutami Rocco e figli che Pavvertiro in tempo circa il giorno preciso della prima esecuzione.
247
Appendix B - Unpublished letters
Letter B. C. 1267 [it is a fragment of the letter, missing the first two pages and the end; written in
black ink, seems to have been wet and stained; corresponds in part to the letter
numbered as B. C. 1264]3
(.. .melodica, quindi converra [usare] della strofa serrata per modo di dire manzoniana), vorrei un
elemento slavo assai predominante e poche esigenze o almeno non eccessive di cantanti e orchestra.
Dopo Falena, Oceana, Abisso sono un po' stanco ed esaurito del predominio sinfonico, vorrei ora
riposarmi suH'elemento vocale. Le condizioni che ti [...] per ora le stesse d'Abisso. Io vedo che il Carso
con il suo sfondo slavo potrebbe suggerirti il [fillato]. Qui vengo assediato da librettisti fra i quali
[Moschino, Colantuoni, Zangarini...]4 ... e ai quali rispondo che tu sei l'unico che [sai] fare oggi un
libretto e che quindi non ho nessun motivo di cambiare [testo] piu che ormai [sentiamo le cose a
l'unisono]....".5 [...]
[not readable].
Letter B. C. 1268
Only a piece of paper with verses written for changes in Falena; it is not clear if it was a part of
a letter; no clear beginning, nor any other text. Written on the other side of a Theatre note-paper "Teatro
Goldoni", announcing a performance 6 April 1903: Gioventu, idillio in 3 atti di Max Halbe, eseguito 300
volte a Vienna e 300 a Berlino.
Letter B. C. 1269
written at the back of music sheet - seems from Smareglia's work, not clear which one;
containts verses for Abisso:
Mariela: Menti! Per lei mi offersi! Per lei che ne soffria, che ne moriva.
Anselmo: Erri lasciavi! Solo, povero vecchio, al mio abbandono!
Hanno: Ed io ti prendo come casa mia etc...
Hanno: Quando piu [bella preda] a chi ha vent'anni e non si [sergila?] mai?
Vito: O signor se lasciammano etc
3 This letter strangely corresponds to the letter numbered as B. C. 1264, rendered in a more complete version in the
article by Novel, ' "Visione musicalissima" ', p. 58-9. The paragraph which precedes the above letter is the most
significant, and complements Smareglia's feelings about a new opera: "... Intanto converra che ti immagini un altro
libretto, ma su questo punto saril utile che ti communichi alcune mie intenzioni: vorrei un opera di carattere popolare,
con lirica abbondante (musicalmente assai ...).
4 The names as in the article in ibid.
5 Ibid.
248
APPENDIX C - TIME LINE 2, 3, 4
The purpose of these time lines is to provide a picture of the new operas which were written in Italy at
the turn of the century. The intention was to show where Smareglia's operas stand - in relation to the
other works written at the time. The repertory is not complete: the aim was to point out the new operas
written mainly by the composers of the "young Italian school". Since the performances of Wagner's
operas exerted such influence on these composers, the repertory includes some of the premieres of his
operas in Milan's La Scala and in Bologna. Furthermore, since the thesis makes references to the
involvement of D'Annunzio in the musical theatre, those of his works set to music by Pizzetti and
Debussy are also included.
249
250
APPENDIXC-Timelin2
18867
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
Edmea
(Ghislanzoni-Catalan )
Asrael
(Fontana-Fra chetti)
Otello
(Boito-Verdi)
Loreley(rev.Elda) (Zanardini-others Catalani)
IIVassallodiSzigeth (Illica-Pozz Smareglia)
LaWally (Illica- Catalani)
IMedici (Leoncavallo)
Nozzeistrian
(Illica-Smareglia)
InBologna: TristanundIsolde
L'AmicoFritz (Daspuro-Mascagni)
FiorD'Alpe (Castelnuovo-Franchetti)
Cavalleriarustican (Targioni-Tozzett- Mascagni)
CristoforoColombo (Illica-Franchetti)
CornillSchut
(Illica-Smareglia)
InMilan:
DieMeistersinger
I
I
LaTilda (Zanardini-Cilea)
InMilan:Die Walkure i Falstaff (Boito-Verdi)
ReginaDiaz (Targioni-Tozzetti Giordano)
Edgar
(Fontana-Pucci i)
IPagliacci (Leoncavallo)
I ManonLescaut
(Oliva-IllicaPuc ini)
Malavit
(Daspuro-Giordano)
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1902
1903
1904
1905
InMilan:
Gotterdamerung
I
Fedora
(Colautti-Gi rdano)
LaFalena
(Benco-Smareglia)
LaBoheme
(Illica-Giacosa -Puccini)
InMilan:Siegfried
Iris
(Illica-Mascagni)
L'Arlesiana (Marenco-Cil a)
AndreaChenier (Illica-Giordano)
LaBoheme (Leoncavallo)
1
EroeLeandro
(Boito-Manc nelli)
AdrianaLecouvreur (Colautti-Cilea)
MadamaButterfly
(Illica-GiacosPu ini)
Tosca
(Illica-GiacosaPu ini)
Oceana
(Benco-Smareglia)
Germania
(Illica-Fran hetti)
InMilan:D sRheingold Siberia (Illica-Giordano)
Arnica
(Berel-Mascagni)
251
APPENDIXC-Timeline3
252
APPENDIXC-Timelin4
1906
1907
1910
1911
1912
1913
1914
1915
T
LafigliadiIor o (D'Annunzio-Fra chetti)
Gloria
(Colautti-i ea)
LaFanciulladeW st
(Civini-ZangarinPucc i)
Parisina
(D'Annunzio-Mascagni)
Fedra
(D'Annunzio-Pizzetti)
Zingari
(Cavicchioli-Leon ava lo)
PaoloeFr ncesca (Colautti-Mancinelli)
Isabeau
(Illica-Mascagni)
Abisso
(Benco-Smareglia)
La pisanelle,oulmort parfume (D'Annunzio-Pizzetti)
Conchita
(Vaucaire-Zandonai)
FrancescadaRimini
(T.Ricordi-Zandonai)
Appendix D - Falena - Music
APPENDIX D - La Falena - music examples
D. 1. The image of Falena, act I, v. s. p. 59 - 64
(St»Ulo rie.ido Sui glnooohl.)
(Stdlw JafU witder avfdi* knit.)
59
lei ckoloinca - (e - - na.
tor, die toe gr; - lannt hull!
I.'IOiota. DieOhbekanete. Adagio.(#s72)
A lamia vo - ce il son - no con a - li ca-rez-
Macrintj-Tjtfeemrge-ru - Jin sink/ to - send,irieFat-ter-flii-get
End sup pli-zio il cor si strugge.
UirbrichtdasHurs beiih-rm Worfen. • J '
■^'r f p lr r 7 P Ppa-diglion do lo stel - le e dol- com Jo-fi 'Imic-ca daize-f -l lispic-ca i loa - la - ni i cl f l
itcheuIind-flusdujtjJer, fiv - fer Wald-nacht su^orSchhifauf din Li - der vnd tiitgfdich
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
254
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
61
255
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
256
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
6S
04
257
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
D. 2. The 'delirium scene', act II, v. s. p. 134-139
va - re que-ste ma -
bluiac Hand inirwa - xchan!
Ofit,,. g %• -
Le chio - me son tu - e...
Welch sell - saznVfT - Ian - gen,
rsn
L'ac - qua zam - pil - -la.
doch ich ge - itkihr' es.
11 picde un sasi»o e nc sgorga all* Improvviso una tiorpenle.)
Fufi eSnen Stein wey :uid nlabtdd qui11/ ladies Mitsser aits detti Rftden.)
St el 1 i o.
(S t e 11 i o s'ingiiiocehla lenendo neilc
(Stall j i) kmrl metier mid uniscftf
—FT
mnnl le chiome e ineoniincia con quelle a lavarsi.)
xicli mil, dm Flcchten II e. d >i n n s seine Windr.)
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
135
Nell* creseento aogoscla di Siellio. gli st>rubra una fievolo voce W/ihrvntl Sfdliox Vaczuxijlunq ur.nter grapcr wird«Jtd es ifizn,di yianto sorgeru dallo recondite lonbuianze del bosco e xuanzare nh- hdrfc er oqs dcr Jtidiiuwj (ten Wttides an leJste.fi IVe iif-n,das
phi tOrle, setopro con misleriOKa ambascia. Stellio balza. Ln piedi e athntiliSch humor zdiher Idingcnd fiUtrkrr vaT.ehmlich wirxl.Siellio
aacolia. La Fa!en3 pit nl I.irma di ironle. fiihri zimurtmcnmvl hnrcht. Die- Faleis'e frilt mtf itui zu.
259
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
(utfojlamlo, lauscfiuuO
jo ti Jen-do le brachial
Mcin Vef-lnxujm dich rti-fcl!
brac-ciai
War-tax!
Eiraglial be - riil
Xurdaalmbrauschtmi
Giim-ga dal-ln W- re-sta,
Dcutlidx lonl Sicpom Wal-dt.
M%ffe
*»•.- 33 3 ps
No! Son la -
£ il tn» df?-bo~le cuo-
Xiir dfJn/xirHja \-derHx~&hlag;derj)mrhtrtich
260
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
(In1errompendoio)
(ilin iwterorerfieml)
(precipitandosl su
Git'Ji mif ihn atiirz
No,nOne ve -
AW/i, ts 1st T&uschmtffl
J)i - ci !
vSrhiveigrJ
E la vo - - ce d'Al - bi-iia!
AchydieSUm - me Al - bi-nas!
li. la vo-ce di.
JdtztzF-kcrui iclx we.
;e - me!
luch-zcn!
express,
J.E. 132&.
261
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
nn sol mo - men - to
uncinur eJn we - nig
che io a - scol - tj I /
Lcifi mich Inu-sohen.
O cuor pre - sa - go! AJ
ich hor nut Ban - gen Al -
L-a Falena. Die Faltnc.
b. m — _T fv Cpf |
*> "Vie - m!;.. Fug-gia - - . - mo ail i - so - la dai inon - ti az -
FBcluiwir; oer-lok - kend winkt sic dart die, ret - - ten - de
zur-ri... qael-la vo - cp di pia:n-to non ti rag- giun-ge-ra... Cor-ria-moaiso-gni! Vie-
Fcr-ne! Jv.-neStim - mt der Kla gedringtdortniclitinehrzudir Die Lie - be ruflaich: kom-
8" *
(Cerea. di trascin&rlo; egli cede lentamente.)
CSit sucM ihrt mit uich fortzuzichr.n; er ffjlgt 'Juilb iviUdnlcaJ
Dim- -mi... do-vean-
Sag mix, wa-Jiin
8-
262
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
139
Vion! Jbfrgiainlfhg-ftia - mo!
/Corrnn, ofouivntrJ-fJiriih wir! (con diaperazlomO(in Vexziodflungj
E lei,
Siehst's.
ti di-co. e M.
xiV. ist es, sit' selbsN■ - me!
co firatie/w/ido
crest*.
Escoho In un«n{(azioiie estrema.)
ficidei J7ivA«n t*/i AfcAstfP h'rrf£.-\ing.)
J. E. 13115.
263
Appendix D - Falena - Music examples
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
APPENDIX E - Oceana - music examples
E. 1. Sea nocturne, act II, Prelude, v. s. p. 113-114
m
Allegro moderate*. J^ioo
, *v. y.g 7,— - .■:— t- — St 0 -
PIANO. |
r 1
]>
—fssfi—-ests, —
•'is2= fcs*? "55^
... •ir^_
5
'•& <s-
-*».
265
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
266
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
E. 2. Undine's dance, act II, v. s. p. 164 - 174
icon {jioijU
(Jubtlnd)
P avro!
0 aluck
(Lo undo del mare salteilano verso la riva sot to una luce ptu
inten&A; mandono e riniandono frit gli scogli apparenze soa-
(I)ie Welien strifmcn blet>d&nde Lichter aus ttnd ftlessengt'gcn
den Strnnd) zvn'sehen dm Fclsen erschcincn immer viebr ttiui
Allegro. J = 92
IG'i
Unit fa on cenno al mare, Janciimdovi una scaglia del la sua Teste 1
(Inif gib! itcn Ubgtvt e*n Zeicht-ti, sodmm wirft er e/ne Scfitrppc seines (ieoMttdcs in dieselbcu)
piu fulgide porlc)
viKSimo di vaghe ondine dalle trecce argentee, fulva e verdognolcj funuo b&tzarc dalle spume, in una sorte di danza, lc
h/tr Uixcti von beriiclrendci' Scbdnheil, wit Silberbaar andgriinen Gcniindcrn, sir Canztm.)
267
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
:dz.
7 jVj
y-
stacc.
; •1 £•!>
** i* i
—-::. -Ei:"IE:^S^jjlLri:
stra - no e gio con - do
Aor - It - c/tf-r An - bh'cJt.
7 R
'ir :F—
ii2 j\'■f-' 7 jD 7J
su
die
mJi-1 7
f-fM
*mm rwmmfte. er~ •'•' " — t""
fh
m
e - sto di flut. ti rim - bal -
jlitf - .hen dm tftd - ten vttt - gmt -
'onlrhlii,
za - no
kcln
~t>J' ;— 1 —iK —
A gio - stra le per - lo le
m H-#- ^ vom ko - sen-dm Wind - /much gv -
S fS:
»!»*>«« Z^J %&£&■:■
268
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
269
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
270
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
*bt> d'un ncm - bo di;
ern, die sprit • hend sirA
ue in. - vol - ve a ru - i - na nei g'rem
ufd scAmiiekt sic mitblit - sen-den Sahlvi
<voci nel marc)
(Stimmen im Aftvrr)
Poeo piu tranquiilo. J= so
271
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
169
272
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
Oui - do a - hi
jif a us dc'/n
— OtmtfaHi:
-f
Go-g-ii - la, svcl - taon- di - 11a!
Pflii-cic siet du Vn - di - tie.'
erase,
poca animando
Contra It i.
273
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
17i
0 a - go-gna - to, te sor!
Sopr. Me in ist dee here-lich- tie Schatzl.
(Un'onrfina finaltncnte, Candida, snclla, tutla vughezza, rlcsc<» a ghermire tjnA perla c ad affcrarela cponda o si avanza con
divlni passi verno init e Ncrsa,tenendo alta coma nn faro la margherita conqnisa.i
Wine A't'xe endlirk,die nn Sc/tonheit unit Antnuf alle andern iiberragt, hasehtans item schiiumendrn KbgrnAnnme erne Perle
iin>t niikert sick, den strahlcvden Srhntz in drr hocfterfobmen Hand halfend, mit feierlicken Schritten Init uvd jiersa.)
274
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
Unit tndica alia sposa di fame dono ad Ers, onde qucsti, splendent?. c
<7nit btdiutcf ffersa Brs die peri* zh iiiu:rreie\c>i;c>- entp/augf ittc Slroi.
(Ers altornamcnte atringe Pondina c bach, la perla.;
275
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
- ner Hand.
276
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
277
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
rin - call
»(i;n - met
fcc - si-mo!
an dt>H SajiiT?
E. 3. Sea spell, act II, v. s. p. 189 -198
•voi ?t - n- - nt;
r-bri Si • re • turn.
Andante soelenuto. J = ~>s
-rrbr
(He* *1 applfttta a ulnlutrafr,« nil !M?Opll;l/|iMdrft<n.l'rt J?r «n r|-
lc»*(<>r<p«*ap«*r ua «i> I'.-tftju-'Jadl vi»-i
t perversa *1 da--li p«<» f-a tl or piii liei-uii,
<-K«» NfMa Itrrxr" I.fl HavJ-
cella arj'vrt an *(>'». Ia ill si nn>*t t.)
i.Ars i-Ht iief> link* nnf<iin fr/ten vi'rirr Cis xvrbxc& -
fen,finft AnX/ tib?ink AtrrxcA f tie/'t-Jc«//«?«>Stilt*: so-
rlant, erkKngenboidstarkerbafrfit-Afsa'-btr Stim/nr/i von
ieruekender ScAvnhet't out den Ab:\r-itxfeH.)
flnlt trnci'iattn'sltrn Cabala »a Vtu «5>ut,fiiili »l rKufTa * aparlew In rnnfw
ifhit awktahehnals rfnZeiMen e?e£*n dotJfeer, taurAt dun ft in denflutAen unfrrw-t
rin errereehxindrt. I
278
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
! iaii
S Sopr
(ifbts-wStiinmeu. : '• >*'*•>' o>W )
Vc • ni - -sic cilia -
,'iti-b; i «#7f t'ir'
j! > . .
f'
»/ -! " i -
* j , i ■ r" T' "" l
sq Jgjgjjjjjytel,
aferdfcr; » t
v.- - n! ->tr <1;ia
c'-.'V «//' fVvr
ti;>l mi-no dam T>i ~ - o L
fyfttiy&mt&itifocftlmrtHoi Av'-m^auk r% - fitt
K»' 7 •■ f{- i^F:-
•Sto ! £
- stem /.
iEE^^E^E
'"•T- fir8! | F=~ri- P~!—1
k
—f— -jji—•■"■<•-y~ ■■■-yfi ,
RSRJ,-
|££±r-
'fr Tr
279
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
1HI
so-rd-Io, da
ausSvhriiruien nnd
Ve - ni - sto ehia - raa -
Jfer-bei nU'ihr Schwe
su 1'ac-quo dal cen-no d'un di - o! .„
({<isAfa>Mmrtdes Konigseuch ru - fetL
&o - rel
thr Schiee
,, . Cnn4ium ouo-tau - do o1 Grnppi. \) lasst una sirt - pan, din
fi Cwitr. °* --—a
bel - la ve-Ia ad - dor-mon-ia - toeUvea
ifas - ser ru-hen> Jtcin ffaiich be - u-e - gtidie Flu
Can-tium tjud-tao ~ do
0 Insat una sin . get,
dor - men - la - (o v. il ve n
Jfanc/t be - we • getdie Flu,
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
I'ad
SCkltlf
dor - men
und trim
Ncrsa.
K co-mou-na ca - rest
0 welch' tin sUfi-scs Ko
281
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
touch
oun cor-po di don
Sic spiegcln dir ivic
na iu scor-gl er- ra
dnr Aasf HiId das dvContr.
fhit - ti cl'ar gen
Mrit - res du rc/hscfmni
-Gontr-— '
che I1oo - eliio do
risch irlaisst imr din
282
Appendix E — Oceana — music examples
Ui cho I'oo - chio do~H
gt; - riscA glcisst nur dicff'el
do, ddhlCro
chest, dock trie
Noi silt-mo un can - to e il no - stro cor - pd 6 tic'a
ft'ir alt sind der Schn - suctit nic rti-hcndcr Oeist dor die.
ni-ma di
fri'l-ten dunk
Dehi cro-di cho Toe - ohio do-
Dock trii-gtyriscUspiett nur die
Nersa.
rich sic
(jjis tiscf? scoffH)
(VU Jtmnmi a tt£ iicn Felsen Atrvcr)
ivan
283
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
La mia vi - ta elo sal
Nmmmefnle - ben.docb relt'
La tiia vi - ta non
Difi-SttrPreift ist zu
li - raha io - nu -
flihrt dieft in ttchwei
tm -
Lock
no - a
grc - sang.
H - m ha in nu -
fiihrt dich in sehtvei
Tu Pa
tin liefist
siiii
no' bo - schi A'al gi - no:
o siiu - me m'c/il, Scfr/f - /erf
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
La
0
iacconnaaUi* lu nave)
(an/die Sartre zci/rmd)
sal
rtiW
Ad I - ait fai tu ri - nun - gjj&?
Dock / - nit iviUst da ent - sa - gen?
gli a) vi del mar
dick not - ler Svkn
285
Appendix E - Oceana - music examples
Sul mar, vciwlef-ta mi-a, e - vo
0 Mottr net d;r nrinHacker, er,t -JPss
M -
■mm.
scn-/.a fi
hnairr Xeu
no di- seen
her. &sin
Di - scon
Per - sin
j\ - seen - di no
ycr . sin - le, o
... .,
286
Appendix F - Abisso - music examples
APPENDIX F -Abisso - music examples
F. 1. Table 1. Abisso, act II, Gisca's monologue or "aria della face"
Vocal score p. 92-96. Libretto p. 32-33; followed by the beginning of the 'priest' scene, v. s. p. 97.
Text Verses Music structure Motifs
A (brief interlude)
Andante sostenuto Motif of 'scream'
Motif of 'Gisca'
11 nembo della gioia s'allontana! I B
Io sono il fior de l'orto abbandonato!
Io son la schiava che hanno flagellato
Con sue catene, e il core non m'e morto!
Io che fui muta, immota, or vibro e grido
Dietro il nembo d'amor che s'allontana!...
Motif of 'scream'
O turbine che schianti,
Per te non ero nata! O casa mia
II
C (brief interlude) Motif of 'capanna'
In Alpe! 0 vecchio nonno! Perche ucciso
Non ho colui che da voi mi strappo?
Perche giurai, e non feci? Perche III
Un poco animando
Da quando prima mi sciolsi languida
Ne'l violento amplesso, io fui l'amore
De'l mio signor, l'amore che non lascia
Un poco piu mosso
Mai, che invillisce, e si strugge, e si danna
A esser confitto su tutte le croci, Primo tempo
Ad ascoltare fra le mille voci
Quella che pur lo illuse e ancor lo inganna,
A restar solo in sua notturna ambascia?
A (Interlude)
Egli non mi ama piu... Motif of 'scream'
Egli ama Mariela che spregid...
Io sono nel suo cor come questa consunta "B"
Face che fumigando oscuramente cola...
Ella e la sua canzon che ne la notte vola...
La canzon che rinasce perpetua da'l suo foco.
Io muoio a poco a poco, su te, face defunta...
C (as a brief postlude)
287
Appendix F - Abisso - music examples
F. 2. Gisca's aria, v. s. p. 92-96
288
98
32 suoi ulttmi scoppi Retla sprazzi intermlitenli nella sala quasi buia Gisca e sola, a terra, nel suo torznento.)
„ Andante noslenuto. #' = 66.
Appendix F - Abisso - music examples
289
Appendix F - Abisso - music examples
290
Appendix F - Abisso - music examples
291
Appendix F - Abisso - music examples
(La face sie spenta. Gisca ha reclinato la testa presso il lroncone cbe fuma.)
(L'axsurita lanare lambe appeoa buio, l'atmosfera vaporosa.)
che ne la not - le la cuiutm che ri -
i
292
Appendix F - Abisso - music examples
F. 3. Abisso, act II, the 'priest' scene, v. s. p. 97
293
Appendix F - Abisso - music examples
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abruzzese, Alberto, ed. 1982. L 'eta del decadentismo e della crisi. Storia e antologia della
letteratura italiana, 19. Florence: La Nuova Italia Editore.
Adams, Robert M. 1968. "The Operatic Novel: Joyce and D'Annunzio". In New Looks at
Italian Opera: Essays in Honour of Donald J. Grout. Edited by William W. Austin. New
York: Cornell University Press, 260 - 281.
Andree, Rolf. 1977. Arnold Bocklin: Die Gemalde. With contributions from Alfred Berner,
Giorgio de Chirico, Hans Holenweg [et al.]. Munich: Prestel - Verlag.
Andree, Rolf. 1971. Introduction to Arnold Bocklin 1827 - 1901, an exhibition organized by
the Arts Councils of Great Britain and Pro Helvetia Foundation of Switzerland, 20 May -
27 June 1971, Hayward Gallery, London.
Antolini, Bianca Maria. 1997. "L'Editoria musicale in Italia negli anni di Puccini". In
Giacomo Puccini: I'uomo, il musicista, il panorama europeo: atti del convegno
internazionale di studi su Giacomo Puccini nel 70 anniversario della morte. Edited by G.
Ravenni and C. Gianturco. Studi Musicali Toscani, 4. Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana,
329 - 359.
Avins, Syra, select, and trans. 1997. Johannes Brahms: Life and Letters. Translated with the
assistance of Josef Eisinger. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Barblan, Guglielmo. 1972. Toscanini e la Scala. Milan: Edizioni della Scala.
Barnaby, Paul. 1997. "From Giacinta to Rassegnazione: the Critique of Post-Risorgimento
Ideologies in the Novels of Luigi Capuana". University of Edinburgh Ph. D thesis.
Barsotti, Anna. 1978. "II 'teatro di poesia' ". In Rivista Italiana di Drammaturgia 9-10, 15-59.
Benco, Silvio, n. d. Abisso: dramma lirico in 3 atti. Milan: Casa Musicale Sonzogno.
Benco, Silvio, n. d. Trieste tra '800 e '900 una citta tra due secoli. Bologna: Massimo Boni
Editore.
Benco, Silvio. 1897. La Falena: leggenda in tre atti. Trieste: Tipografia Augusto Levi.
Benco, Silvio. 1901. Oceana: commedia fantastica. With title page illustrated by R.
Carbonara. Venice: Officine Grafiche C. Ferrari.
Benco, Silvio. 1902-3. Oceana: commedia fantastica. Teatro Alia Scala, Stagione di
Carnevale - Quaresima 1902-1903. With title page illustrated by R. Carbonara. Milan:
Paolo Mariani Editore. Original edition, Venice: Officine Grafiche C. Ferrari, 1901.
Benco, Silvio. 1903. La fiamma fredda. Milan: Fratelli Treves Editori.
Benco, Silvio. 1911. II castello dei desideri. 2nd ed. Milan: Fratelli Treves Editori.
Benco, Silvio. 1921. Nell'atmosfera del sole. Milan: Casa Editrice Risorgimento.
295
Benco, Silvio. 1922. La corsa del tempo. Edited by Umberto Saba. 2nd ed. Trieste: Casa
Editrice Parnaso.
Benco, Silvio. 1928. La Falena: leggenda in tre atti. 4th ed. Trieste: Arti grafiche L. Smolars.
Benco, Silvio. 1946. Contemplazione del disordine. Udine: Del Bianco Editore.
Benco, Silvio. 1968. Ricordi di Antonio Smareglia. Trieste: Edizioni Umana.
Benco, Silvio. 1974a. Scritti musicali di Silvio Benco. Edited by Gianni Gori and Isabella
Gallo. Milan: Riccardo Ricciardi Editore.
Benco, Silvio. 1974b. Teatro: L'uomo malato; La bilancia. Introduction by Roberto Scrivano.
Rome: Bulzoni Editore.
Benco, Silvio. 1977. Scritti di critica letteraria e figurativa. Edited by Oliviero H. Bianchi,
Bruno Maier and Sauro Pesante. Trieste: Edizioni Lint.
Bertazzoli, Raffaella. 1987. "La Figlia di Iorio da Michetti a D'Annunzio". In Annali
d'ltalianistica 5, 161-177.
Bianchi, Honore Oliviero. 1956. "Rimpiano di Silvio Benco". In Inediti triestini. Trieste:
Associazione Italiana per le Biblioteche, 35-38.
Bianconi, Lorenzo and Giorgio Pestelli. 1987. Storia dell'opera Italiana. 6 vols. Turin: EDT
Musica.
Bianconi, Lorenzo and Giorgio Pestelli, eds. 1998. Opera Production and its Resources.
Trans, by Lydia G. Cochrane. The History of Italian Opera, part n, vol. 4. Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press.
Bobbio, Norberto. 1948. The Philosophy of Decadentism: A Study in Existentialism.
Translated by D. Moore. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Botstein, Leon. 1990-91. "Brahms and ^"'-Century Painting". In 19th Century Music 14/2,
154-168.
Budden, Julian. 1992. "La Giovane Scuola". In The New Grove Dictionary of Opera. Edited by
Stanley Sadie, vol. 2, 428-429.
Budden, Julian. 1992. The Operas of Verdi, revised ed., 3 vols. Oxford: Oxford University
Press: Calendon Paperbacks.
Budden, Julian. 1987. "Wagnerian Tendencies in Italian opera". In Music and Theatre'. Essays
in Honour of Winton Dean. Edited by Nigel Fortune. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 299-332.
Busch, Hans, ed. and trans. 1997. Verdi's "Falstaff" in Letters and Contemporary Reviews.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Camer, Mosco. 1992. Puccini: A Critical Biography. 3rd ed. London: Duckworth.
296
Carter, A. E. 1958. The Idea of Decadence in French Literature: 1830 - 1900. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press.
Cavallini, Ivano. 1995. "La frontiera interiore di Antonio Smareglia". In Atti, 25. Rovigno:
Centro di ricerche storiche, Unione Italiana Fiume and Universita popolare Trieste, 241-
264.
Cavallini, Ivano. 1999. "La musica di tre culture, tre culture per una musica: appunti in luogo
di premessa". In Cosmopolitismo e nazionalismo nella musica a Trieste tra ottocento e
novecento: studi offerti a Vito Levi. Edited by Ivano Cavallini e Paolo Da Col. Quaderni
del Conservatorio "G. Tartini" di Trieste. Trieste: University of Trieste, 5-15.
Charlton, David, ed. 1989. E. T. A. Hoffmann's Musical Writings: "Kreisleriana", "The poet
and the composer", Music Criticism. Trans, by Martyn Clarke. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Coceani, Bruno. 1973. "Ricordo di Silvio Benco nel primo centenario della nascita". In La
Porta Orientale 11-12, November - December, 238 - 246.
Comune di Grado. 1979. Antonio Smareglia. In memoriam.
Conati, Marcello and Mario Medici, eds. 1994. The Verdi-Boito Correspondence. Translated
and edited by WilliamWeaver. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Corazzol, Adriana Guarnieri. 1993. " 'Fatte un chiasso da demoni colle palme e coi talloni!' ":
la disgregazione dei livelli di cultura nelTopera italiana tra Ottocento e Novecento". In
Opera and libretto II. Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore.
Corazzol, Adriana Guarnieri. 1995. "Scrittori-Librettisti e Librettisti-Scrittori tra Scapigliatura
e Decadence (Ghislanzoni, Praga, Fontana, Leoncavallo)". In Letteratura, Musica e Teatro
al tempo di Ruggiero Leoncavallo: atti del secondo convegno Internationale di studi su
Ruggero Leoncavallo. Edited by Lorenza Guiot e Jiirgen Maehder. Milan: Casa Musicale
Sonzogno, 11-40.
Corvetto, Rita. 1973. "Silvio Benco narratore". University of Lecce graduation thesis.
Criscione, Caterina and Learco Andalo, eds. 1995. Mascagni ritrovato. 1863 - 1945: I'uomo,
il musicista. Milan: Casa Musicale Sonzogno.
Crivelli, Renzo S. 1996. Itinerari Triestini. James Joyce - Triestine itineraries. Trieste: MGS
Press.
D'Amico, Fedele. 1980. "Antonio Smareglia". In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and
Musicians. Edited by Stanley Sadie, vol. 17, 387-388.
D'Annunzio, Gabriele. 1907. Piu che I'amore: tragedia moderna in due episodi preceduta da
un discorso e accresciuta d'un preludio d'un intermezzo e d'un esodio. Milan: Fratelli
Treves editori.
D'Annunzio, Gabriele. 1920. La figlia di Iorio: tragedia pastorale. Milan: Fratelli Treves
editori.
297
D'Annunzio, Gabriele. 1966. Poesie; Teatro; Prose. Edited by M. Praz and F. Gerra. La
letteratura italiana, storia e testi, 62. Milan: Riccardo Ricciardi Editore.
D'Annunzio, Gabriele. 1981. Favole mondane. Introduction by Federico Roncoroni. Milan:
Garzanti.
D'Annunzio, Gabriele. 1999. Lettere ai Treves. Edited by Gianni Oliva. Milan: Garzanti.
Daverio, John. 1997. Robert Schumann: Herald of a "New Poetic Age". Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Del Principe, David. 1996. Rebellion, Death, and Aesthetics in Italy: the Demons of
Scapigliatura. Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Press.
Dombroski, Robert. 1996. "Writer and Society in the New Italy (1870-1910)". In The
Cambridge History of Italian Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 457-
479.
Donora, Luigi. 1982. Antonio Smareglia: cenni biografici. Bologna.
Ellmann, Richard. 1982. James Joyce. New and revised edition. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Elwert, W. Th. 1973. Versificazione italiana dalle origini ai giorni nostri. Translated from
German by the author, 2nd ed. Florence: Felice le Monnier.
Favetta, Bianca Maria. 1961. Preziosi autograft al Museo Teatrale triestino. Trieste, [the text
was first published as an article in La Porta Orientate 11-12, I960].
Fifield, Christopher. 1993. True Artist and True Friend: A Biography ofHans Richter. Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
Flora, Francesco. 1957. Celebrazione di Silvio Benco. Introduction by Raffaele de Courten.
Trieste: Circolo della cultura e delle arti.
Franklin, Peter. 1991. Mahler: Symphony no. 3. Cambridge Music Handbooks. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Gatti, Carlo. 1964. II Teatro alia Scala nella storia e nell'arte: 1778 - 1963, 2 vols. Milan: G.
Ricordi.
Gioanola, Elio. 1991. II decadentismo. Rome: Edizioni Studium.
Girardi Michele and Franco Rossi. 1989.11 teatro La Fenice. Cronologia degli spettacoli 1792
-1936. Venice: Albrizzi Editore.
Gruber Benco, Anna. 1950. "Le cartoline della domenica di Silvio Benco". In Pagine Istriane,
31-33.
Gruber Benco, Anna. 1997. Interview by author, tape recording. Duino.
Gruber Benco, Aurelia. 1952. Dai "Ricordi di Smareglia" di Silvio Benco, unpublished,
typescript 15 April 1952.
298
Gruber Benco, Aurelia. 1956. "Silvio e Delia Benco". In Inediti triestini. Trieste: Associazione
Italiana per le Biblioteche, 27-29.
Gruber Benco, Aurelia. 1960. "Ricordo di Silvio Benco". In L'Approdo Letterario 9, Rome:
Eri, 17-18.
Gruber Benco, Aurelia. 1972. "Between Joyce and Benco". In James Joyce Quarterly 9/3.
Tulsa: The University of Tulsa, 328 - 333.
Grun, Bernard. 1970. Gold and Silver: the Life and Times of Franz Lehar. London: W. H.
Allen.
Guiot, Lorenza and Jiirgen Maehder, eds. 1995. Letteratura, tnusica e teatro al tempo di
Ruggero Leoncavallo: atti del secondo convegno internazionale di studi su Ruggero
Leoncavallo, Locarno, October 1991. Milan: Casa Musicale Sonzogno.
Hall, Robert A. jr. 1968. "Music in the Works of Fogazzaro". In New Looks at the Italian
Opera\ Essays in Honour of Donald J. Grout. Edited by William W. Austin. New York:
Cornell University Press.
Holloway, Robin. 1986. "Experiencing Music and Imagery in Parsifal". In Richard Wagner:
Parsifal. The Royal Opera Guides Series, 34. Edited by Nicholas John. London: John
Calder.
Isotta, Paolo. 1978. I sentieri della musica. Milan: Mondadori.
Kerman, Joseph. 1988. Opera as Drama. New and revised edition. Berkley: University of
California Press.
Kibler, Louis. 1987. "Myth and Meaning in D'Annunzio's La figlia di Iorio". In Annali
d'ltalianistica 5, 178-187.
Kimbell, David. 1981. Verdi in the Age of Italian Romanticism. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Kimbell, David. 1991. Italian Opera. National traditions of opera series. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Langham Smith, Richard, ed. and trans. 1977. Debussy on Music. London: Seeker and
Warburg.
Langham Smith, Richard. 1992. "Claude Debussy". In The New Grove Dictionary of Opera.
Edited by Stanley Sadie, vol. 1, 1098-1100.
Levi, Vito. 1929. "Un grande operista italiano Antonio Smareglia (1854-1929)". In Rivista
Musicale Italiana 36, 600-615.
Levi, Vito. 1949. Oceana di Antonio Smareglia: piccola guida attraverso Topera. Trieste:
Casa Musicale Giuliana.
Levi, Vito. 1956. "Antonio Smareglia e il doganiere". In Inediti triestini. Trieste: Associazione
Italiana per le Biblioteche, 43-45.
299
Levi, Vito, Guido Botteri and Ireneo Bremini. 1962. II Comunale di Trieste. Udine: Del
Bianco Editore.
Levi, Vito. 1968. La vita musicale a Trieste", cronache di un cinquantennio 1918-1968.
Collana celebrativa Trieste 1968, 3. Milan: All'insegna del pesce d'oro.
Licinic, Juliana. 1998. "Antonio Smareglia i njegova opera Istarska svadba" [Antonio
Smareglia and his Opera Nozze istriane]. University of Zagreb graduation thesis, published
in Arti musices 26/2. Zagreb: Croatian Musicological Society and Department for History
of Croatian Music, 175-215.
Licinic, Juliana. 1999. "Falena, Oceana, Abisso: novita nel teatro musicale italiano a cavallo
fra il XIX e XX secolo". In In omaggio a Carlotta Grisi: primo convegno internazionale
di musicologia (Cittanova - Visinada, Settembre 1998). Edited by Ivana Paula Gortan -
Carlin, 111-132.
Linnenbach, Andrea. 1991. Arnold Bocklin und die Antike. Mythos - Geschichte - Gegenwart.
Munchen: Hirmer Verlag.
Loewenberg, Alfred. 1970. Annals of Opera 1597 - 1940. 2nd ed. New York: Rowman and
Littlefield.
Maehder, Jiirgen. 1988. "The origins of Italian Literaturoper: Guglielmo Ratcliff, La figlia di
Iorio, Parisina, and Francesca da Rimini". In Reading Opera. Edited by Arthur Gross and
Roger Parker. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 92-128.
Maehder, Jiirgen and Lorenza Guiot, eds. 1993. Ruggero Leoncavallo nel suo tempo: atti del
primo convegno internazionale di studi su Ruggero Leoncavallo, Locamo, October 1993.
Milan: Casa Musicale Sonzogno.
Magnaguagno, Guido and Juri Steiner, eds. 1998. Arnold Bocklin, Giorgio de Chirico, Max
Emst. Eine Reise ins Ungewisse. Bern: Benteli Verlag.
Malipiero, Gian Francesco. 1997. 11 carteggio con Guido M. Gatti: 1914-1972. Edited by
Cecilia Palandri. Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore.
Mangini, Nicola. 1974. / teatri di Venezia. Milan: Mursia.
Marsh, Jan. 1998. Per-Raphaelite Women: Images ofFemininity in Pre-Raphaelite art. 2nd ed.
London: Phoenix and Illustrated.
McColl, Sandra. 1998. "Richard Wallaschek: Vienna's Most Uncomfortable Music Critic". In
International Review ofAesthetics and Sociology ofMusic 29/1, 41-73.
Meier, B. and O. H. Bianchi, eds. 1968. Scrittori triestini del novecento: antologia. Trieste.
Morelli, Giovanni, ed. 1994. Arrigo Boito. Venice: Leo S. Olschki.
Morini, Mario, Marcel Prawy, et al. 1987. Atti del primo convegno internazionale di studi su
Pietro Mascagni, Livorno, April 1985. Milan: Casa Musicale Sonzogno.
Muscardin, Mara. 1972. "II teatro di Silvio Benco". University of Padua graduation thesis.
300
Mutterle, Anco Marzio. 1980. Gabriele D'Annunzio: introduzione e guida alio studio
dell'opera dannunziana. Florence: Le Monnier.
Nectoux, Jean - Michael. 1991. Gabriel Faure: A Musical Life. Trans, by Roger Nichols.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Nichols, Roger and Richard Langham Smith. 1989. Claude Debussy: Pelleas et Melisande.
Cambridge Opera Handbooks Series. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Nicolaisen, Jay. 1980. Italian Opera in Transition: 1871-1893. Studies in Musicology, 31.
Michigan: UMI Research Press.
Nicolodi, Fiamma. 1984. Musica e musicisti nel ventennio fascista. Fiesole: Discanto Edizioni.
Nordio, Mario. 1972. "My First English Teacher". In James Joyce Quarterly 9/3. Tulsa: The
University of Tulsa, 323 - 325.
Novel, Giuliana. 1999. " 'Visione musicalissima' e 'simbolo pittorico': 'La Falena' di Silvio
Benco e Antonio Smareglia". In Cosmopolitismo e nazionalismo nella musica a Trieste tra
ottocento e novecento: studi offerti a Vito Levi. Edited by Ivano Cavallini e Paolo Da Col.
Quaderni del Conservatorio "G. Tartini" di Trieste. Trieste: University of Trieste.
Oliva, Gianni. 1992. DAnnunzio e la poetica d'invenzione. Civilta letteraria del '900. Milan:
Mursia.
Orselli, Cesare. 1996. "Antonio Smareglia: breve ipotesi di ricerca". In Antonio Smareglia e 7
pittori fiamminghi': atti del convegno di studi su Antonio Smareglia, Trieste, April 1991.
Milan: Casa Musicale Sonzogno.
Perpich, Edoardo. 1990. II teatro musicale di Antonio Smareglia. Collana degli atti del Centro
di Ricerche Storiche di Rovigno, 9. Trieste - Rovigno: Unione degli italiani dell'Istria -
Universita Popolare di Trieste.
Pesante, Sauro. 1950. Bibliografia di Silvio Benco. Trieste: Tipografia Litografia Moderna.
Phillips-Matz, Mary Jane. 1993. Verdi: A Biography. New York: Oxford University Press.
Pieri, Giuliana. 1998. "The Influence of English Pre-Raphaelitism in 19th-Century Italian Art
and Literature". University of Oxford Ph. D. thesis.
Pierrot, Jean. 1981. The Decadent Imagination-. 1880-1900. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
Pontiero, Giovanni, trans. 1982. Duse on Tour: Guido Noccioli's Diaries. Manchester:
Manchester University Press.
Potts, Willard, ed. 1969. Portraits of the Artist in Exile. Recollections of James Joyce by
Europeans. Seattle: University ofWashington Press.
Prawy, Marcel. 1969. The Vienna Opera. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
Praz, Mario. 1933. The Romantic Agony. Translated from the Italian by Angus Davidson.
London: Oxford University Press.
301
Praz, Mario. 1951. The Romantic Agony. 2nd ed. Translated from the Italian by A. Davidson.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Puffett, Derrick, ed. 1989. Richard Strauss: Salome. Cambridge Opera Handbooks.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Putignano, Letizia. 1994. "Revival gotico e misticismo leggendario nel melodramma italiano
postunitario." In Nuova Rivista Musicale Italiana 1, 411-434.
Radole, Giuseppe. 1988. Ricerche sulla vita musicale a Trieste (1750-1950). Trieste: Edizioni
Italo Svevo.
Robinson, Herbert Spencer and Wilson, Knox. 1972. The Encyclopedia ofMyths and Legends
ofAll the Nations. London: Ed. Barbara L. Picard.
Rocco - Bergera, Niny. 1972. "James Joyce and Trieste". In James Joyce Quarterly 9/3. Tulsa:
The University of Tulsa, 342 - 352.
Rubino, Azzo. 1939. "Antonio Smareglia e il rinnovamento dell'opera italiana". In La Porta
Orientale 18, 411-430.
Sacchi, Filippo. 1957. The Magic Baton: Toscanini's Life for Music. Translated by the author.
London: Putnam.
Sachs, Harvey. 1978. Toscanini. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
Sadie, Stanley, ed. 1996. The New Grove Book of Operas. 2nd ed. London: Macmillan Press.
Salvetti, Guido. 1996. "II novecento italiano". In Musica in scena: storia dello spettacolo
musicale, vol. 2, part 5. Edited by Alberto Basso.
Sansone, Matteo. 1987. "Verismo from Literature to Opera". University of Edinburgh Ph. D.
thesis.
Sansone, Matteo. 1992a. "La Falena". In The New Grove Dictionary of Opera. Edited by
Stanley Sadie, vol. 2, 110-111.
Sansone, Matteo. 1992b. "Oceana". In The New Grove Dictionary of Opera. Edited by Stanley
Sadie, vol. 3, 654.
Sansone, Matteo. 1992c. "Antonio Smareglia". In The New Grove Dictionary of Opera. Edited
by Stanley Sadie, vol. 4, 417-418.
Sansone, Matteo. 1997. "La dimensione decadente nel libretto di Tosca". In Giacomo Puccini:
I'uomo, il musicista, il panorama europeo: atti del convegno internazionale di studi su
Giacomo Puccini nel 70 anniversario della morte. Studi musicali Toscani, 4. Edited by G.
Ravenni e C. Gianturco. Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana Editrice, 111 -125.
Sansone, Matteo. 2001. "Antonio Smareglia". In The New Grove Dictionary of Music and
Musicians. Edited by Stanley Sadie, 2nd ed., vol. 23, 531-533.
Schmidgall, Gary. 1977. Literature as Opera. New York: Oxford University Press.
302
Scrivano, Roberto, intro. 1974. Benco 1974 b.
Shackelford, Rudy, trans, and ed. 1987. Dallapiccola on Opera: Selected Writings of Luigi
Dallapiccola, vol. 1. Foreword by Antal Dorati. Musicians on music series, 4. Exeter:
Toccata Press.
Shafer, R. Murray. 1975. E. T. A. Hoffmann andMusic. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Shakespeare, William. 1999. The Tempest. Edited by Virginia Mason Vaughan and Alden T.
Vaughan. The Arden Shakespeare, 3rd series. Walton-on-Thames: Thomas Nelson and
Sons.
Shakespeare, William. 1994. A Midsummer Night's Dream. Introduction by Peter Holland.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Schuh, Willi. 1982. Richard Strauss: A Chronicle of the Early Years 1864 - 1898. Trans, by
Mary Whittal. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Smareglia, Antonio, [s. a], Abisso: dramma lirico in tre atti. Orchestral score. The archive of
Casa Musicale Sonzogno, Milan.
Smareglia, Antonio. 1899[?]. La Falena: leggenda drammatica in tre atti. Orchestral score,
manuscript copy by one of Smareglia's pupils. The archive of Casa musicale Sonzogno,
Milan.
Smareglia, Antonio. 1902. Oceana: commedia fantastica in tre atti. Reduction for voice and
piano by Mario Smareglia. Leipzig: F. Hofmeister.
Smareglia, Antonio. 1903. Oceana: commedia fantastica. Orchestral score, manuscript copy
by one of Smareglia's pupils. The archive of Casa Musicale Sonzogno, Milan:
Dell'Ateneo.
Smareglia, Antonio. 1908. La Falena: leggenda in tre atti. Reduction for voice and piano by
Mario Smareglia. 3rd ed. Leipzig: F. Hofmeister.
Smareglia, Antonio. 1974. Lettere. Edited by Gianni Gori e Isabella Gallo. Naples: Edizioni
dell'Ateneo.
Smareglia, Antonio. 1990. Abisso: dramma lirico in tre atti. Reduction for voice and piano by
Mario Smareglia. Milan: Casa Musicale Sonsogno.
Smareglia, Ariberto. 1926. 11 teatro lirico nazionale negli ultimi 30 anni: il "Caso Smareglia"
e il Teatro alia Scala. Trieste: Libreria Minerva.
Smareglia, Ariberto. 1936. Vita ed arte di Antonio Smareglia: un capitolo di storia del teatro
lirico italiano. 2nd ed. Bellinzona: Arturo Salvioni & Co.
Smareglia, Mario. 1934. Antonio Smareglia nella storia del teatro melodrammatico italiano:
attraverso le critiche e scritti raccolti da Mario Smareglia. Pola: Libreria Editrice
Smareglia.
Smareglia, Adua. 1997. Interview by author, tape recording. Duino.
303
Smareglia, Adua. 2000. Interview by author, transcript. Trieste.
Smith, Patrick J. 1971. The Tenth Muse: A Historical Study of the Opera Libretto. London:
Victor Gollancz.
Stuparich, Gianni. 1960. "L'amore per Trieste". In L'Approdo Letterario 9, Rome: Eri, 3-5.
Swafford, Jan. 1998. Johannes Brahms: A Biography. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Tedeschi, Rubens. 1978. Addio, fiorito asil: il melodramma italiano da Boito al verismo.
Milan: Feltrinelli Editore.
Tedeschi, Rubens. 1988. D'Annunzio e la musica. Scandicci, Florence: La Nuova Italia.
Tomasek, Andrija. 1960. "Istarska svadba u Mariboru" [Nozze istriane in Maribor], In
Vijesnik, 24 March.
Tomicich, Hugo. 1904. Die Falene: Legende von Silvio Benco, Musik von Antonio Smareglia,
revised ed. Berlin: Verlag von Alfred Katz [the text was first published as an article in the
Musikliterarischen Bldttern, Vienna 1 October 1904 I960].
Valetta, Ippolito. 1897. Antonio Smareglia e La Falena. Reprint 1929. Trieste: Anonima
Libraria Italiana.
Verzini, Flavia. 1985. "Punti estremi del teatro musicale di Antonio Smareglia". University of
Bologna graduation thesis.
Waterhouse, John C. G. 1968. "The Emergence of Modern Italian Music (up to 1940)".
University of Oxford Ph. D. thesis.
Waterhouse, John C. G. 1990. La musica di Gian Francesco Malipiero. Introduction by Fedele
D'Amico. Turin: Nuova Eri.
Waterhouse, John C. G. 1999. Gian Francesco Malipiero (1882-1973): the Life, Times and
Music of a Wayward Genius. Contemporary music studies, 17. Amsterdam: Harwood
Academic Publishers.
Weaver, William. 1984. Duse: A Biography. London: Thames and Hudson.
Wood, Christopher. 1997. The Pre-Raphaelites. 4th ed. London: Phoenix and Illustrated.
Woodhouse, John. 1998. Gabriele D'Annunzio: Defiant Archangel. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Youens, Susan. 1988. "An Unseen Player: Destiny in Pelleas et Melisande". In Reading
Opera. Edited by Arthur Gross and Roger Parker. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton
University Press, 60-93.
Zuccoli, Gastone de. 1923. Antonio Smareglia: monografia sulle opere del maestro con note
musicali illustrative. 2nd ed. Trieste: Circolo Musicale Giuliano.
304