Indexing expectations of informativity
Item Status
RESTRICTED ACCESS
Embargo End Date
2026-08-18
Date
Authors
Reksnes, Vilde Regine Stugaard
Abstract
Predictions about upcoming content are important to language processing and, among
other things, serve to facilitate communicative interactions. In studying how guesses
about upcoming content are generated, comprehenders have been found to rely on real
world knowledge, such that, for example, real-world typical content is associated with
processing ease. This preference for typical content has been found in both online and
offline tasks indexing people’s expectations about upcoming content. However, this does
not align with the production choices that speakers tend to make; speakers favour the
inclusion of non-typical, informative content and will often omit typical and thereby
easily inferable content where optional to do so.
This thesis attempts to reconcile this asymmetry between what comprehenders prefer
and what speakers do. Specifically, it posits that in addition to a comprehender’s
knowledge of the world, such as what situations and events are typical, comprehenders
also take into account speakers’ production preferences when they make guesses of
what someone will say next. To investigate this, I have developed a paradigm testing how
variations in the much-used sentence completion or Cloze task (Taylor 1953) can induce
variations in the kinds of responses participants provide. In this way, this thesis indexes
comprehenders’ expectations of the informativity of upcoming content and further
examines how fine-grained these informativity expectations are. Additionally, I posit a
method for measuring informativity that relies on five distinct measures, each of which is
intended to capture a different sense in which someone can be informative.
An expectation for upcoming content to be about real-world typical situations would
reflect an expectation in comprehenders for language use to be transparent; i.e. that
speakers tend to communicate about the world as it typically is. However, if
comprehenders are sensitive to the production preferences of speakers, they should
expect content that cooperative speakers are likely to mention, rather than simply
content that is likely to be the case in the real world; that is, they should expect filtered
language use.
Experiment I tests this prediction by manipulating the salience of the speaker across four
Cloze task conditions to see whether an increased emphasis on the speaker prompts
participants to estimate more informative content. Results show that the most speaker-salient
condition yielded the most informative sentence completions. I argue that this
reflects an increased awareness of speaker intentions and thereby speakers’ production
preference to be informative. Experiment I thus establishes that, despite the well-demonstrated
finding that comprehenders rely on real-world knowledge when
anticipating content, they also have expectations of informativity.
The following two experiments ask how malleable comprehenders’ expectations for
informativity are by testing aspects of the context that may affect comprehenders’
content estimates. Experiment II tests properties of the speaker: Participants are
familiarised with two different speakers who vary in the informativity of their utterances.
When completing utterances from each of the two speakers, comprehenders provide
more informative completions for the HIGH-INFORMATIVITY speaker compared to the LOWINFORMATIVITY
speaker. This shows that comprehenders are able to adapt their
expectations of informativity to individual speakers’ communicative styles. Experiment
III tests the role of the addressee: As in Experiment I, participants complete utterances
from several different speakers, with the manipulation that the utterances are addressed
either to an adult or to a child. Although less clear-cut than in the preceding experiments,
results indicate that the identity of the addressee affects comprehenders’ guesses such
that they provide less informative, more typical completions in child-addressed
utterances.
Experiments I-III begin to model the informativity bias observed in adult comprehenders
by positing that (at least) two main factors underlie the process of generating guesses for
upcoming content: (Real-)world knowledge and sensitivity to speakers’ production
preferences. Experiment IV tests the robustness of this model by extending the paradigm
to children, a population in which one or both of these underlying factors may vary -
children’s knowledge of the world is different to adults’, and how attuned they are to
speakers’ productions may also be different. As such, Experiment I tests if speaker
saliency influences children’s guesses of what someone will say next by using a
simplified version of Experiment I. Overall, results indicate that children rely more on their
world knowledge when completing sentences than adults do, although there is some
indication that speaker salience plays a role in older children’s guesses. I discuss how
this finding informs our understanding of the interplay of world knowledge and
perspective-taking in (typical) development, as well as future directions of study which
could further illuminate this issue.
Overall, this thesis demonstrates that comprehenders are sensitive to speakers’
production preferences and have an expectation for informativity when they generate
guesses of what someone will say next. In other words, comprehenders seem to have a
bias towards filtered language when content is conveyed by a speaker. These findings
contribute to the wider field in three ways. Firstly, it demonstrates that sentence
completion tasks are not necessarily static measures of predictability and need precise
fine-tuning to answer the research questions one is interested in. Secondly, it proposes
a method for measuring informativity that attempts to capture several strategies that may
be used by a speaker intending to be informative and which the comprehender might take
into account when generating their guesses about upcoming content. And finally, this
thesis shows that our models of language processing need to include a role for
informativity-driven reasoning about the speaker to more accurately capture the
processes at play.
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