Study of the extent to which existing native religious society helped to shape Scotland's monastic community, 1070-1286

Abstract

The fundamental aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that continuity as much as change distinguished reformed religious life in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Scotland. The best - and, realistically, only po way in which this can be accomplished is, as already intimated, by placing twelfth- and thirteenth-century developments fmnly within a much wider historical context. Accordingly, whilst centering primarily upon the 1100s and 1200s, the chronological scope of this thesis will not only extend forward to the sixteenth century, but also, to a much greater degree, back to the sixth century. For example, the similarity between seventh- and sixteenth-century perceptions of Colum Cille' s intercessionary powers will be cited as evidence that specific, and not merely general, aspects of pre-1100 religious customs not only survived the supposedly sweeping reforms of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but were moreover preserved by members of the new monastic communities. Likewise, the patronal relationship between the Canmore monarchs and the reformed convents will be compared to and contrasted with the alliance between the MacAlpin dynasty and Gaelic Church communities in order to assess whether the intensification of royal involvement in monastic affairs in the twelfth century was particularly novel or merely the re-working of a traditional Scottish tune.

It is therefore designed to be neither a history of the new religious orders in Scotland, nor, indeed, a survey of the Canmore's monastic policy, although it will conceivably shed a revised light on both of these topics by challenging the received opinion that twelfth- and thirteenth-century Scottish conventual life was thoroughly 'normanised'. This is not to suggest, however, that the introduction of continental ideas and practices or of a large body of Anglo-French clergy did not have a major impact on Scottish religious life; for this thesis to offer such an argument would demand a wilful disregard of the evidence presented by both reliable primaI)' and secondaty sources and result in an account as partial as those which it is attempting to re-evaluate. Neither is it meant to imply that the Scottish Church was either culturally isolated from fellow-churches elsewhere in Europe or ignorant of its place in the wider Catholic family centred on Rome. Again, in light of twelfth-century developments, and the fact that, as aforementioned, contact between the Scottish Church, Europe and Rome long pre-dated 1100, to make such a proposition would be similarly historically naive. Nevertheless, in its intention to offer an alternative to and compensate for the traditional Anglo-Francocentric perspective of twelfth- and thirteenth-centmy reformed monasticism in Scotland, the historical focus of this thesis shall consequently concentrate upon the survival of the 'old' and themes of 'continuity' rather than the introduction of the 'new' and examples of 'change' .

It will be divided into six chapters. The first of these, a brief introductory chapter reassessing the state of the Church in the Canmore period before 1124, will lay the historical foundations for much of the preceding discussion. The aim of the following chapters is to explore particular aspects of twelfth- and thirteenth-century reformed monastic development and the affect which existing ecclesiastical and spiritual traditions and varying forms of native involvement had upon it. Chapter two, for example, will investigate the extent to which pre-1100 ecclesiastical traditions and provisions created an organisational framework into which twelfth- and thirteenth-century monastic settlement had to be accommodated. Comprising of a brief regional survey supported by more in-depth case studies, just as previously mentioned studies have highlighted the interrelationship between pre- and post-twelfth- century episcopal and parochial boundaries and thus demonstrated that the reforms of the Canmore era merely formalised and, in some cases, revitalised existing Gaelic and Northumbrian Church bishoprics and parishes, this will ideally reveal the important threads of continuity which connected many of the reformed monasteries of the twelfth century with earlier religious sites. Correlative to this investigation into the continuity of actual monastery sites, this chapter will also explore how and why many reformed convents in Canmore Scotland came to possess the traditional patrimony of the ancient houses which they had superseded, and the consequences of this for the survival of pre-II 00 ecclesiastical networks. The central objective of chapter two is thus to propose that rather than present a wholly new ecclesiological and spiritual network, the distribution of reformed monasteries in post-II 00 Scotland and the patrimonies of these houses conformed for the most part to an existing pattern of ecclesiastical settlement which had been established as far back as the seventh century.

Chapters three and four, on the other hand, aims to challenge the perception that Anglo-French incomers dominated organised religious life in Scotland after 1100 by highlighting the continued importance of direct native involvement in all areas of reformed monastic life. For example, chapter three it will attempt to revise popular perceptions of monastic personnel by proposing that, in spite of the apparent influx of foreign ecclesiastics during the Canmore period, many abbeys and priories in twelfth-century Scotland continued to be staffed by native Scottish clergy. In the same vein, chapter four will also assess the relationship forged between the native landowning class and reformed monasticism. This will include not only a brief comparison between native and incomer patterns of monastic patronage, but also an evaluation of the contribution made by the native laity to both the conversion of existing convents to a reformed rule and the founding of new monasteries. This facet of the development of reformed monasticism in Scotland needs to be emphasised at this early stage, as it is crucial to realise that it was not only Anglo-French incomers who sponsored Church reform in Scotland, but the native reguli, earls and lesser nobility as well. Thus, Galloway experienced quite extensive monastic regeneration during the twelfth century primarily due to the initiative of its native dynasty. Complementing this discussion, chapter five will highlight the social interaction which occurred between the religious of the new convents and the surrounding lay population, and hence endeavour to demonstrate how, as tenants, serfs, parishioners, pilgrims and beggars, the ordinary people of Canmore Scotland helped shape reformed religious life.

In the sixth and final chapter a conclusion of the thesis' findings will be presented in the form of a brief discussion regarding the extent to which the aforementioned continuity in patterns of ecclesiastical settlement, adoption of ancient monastic patrimonies and the multifarious ways in which the native laity were involved in the introduction and development of the new monastic orders, resulted in the reformed convents of the Canmore period adopting indigenous religious customs and traditions. Accordingly, the survival of such institutions as the cult of native saints and the veneration of their relics wi II be investigated. Chapter six will also strive to highlight how foreign monks and canons, far from being cultural imperialists, even furthered the popularity of such cults by promoting them at both a national and a local level. For example. the significance of lnchcolm's nationally important propagation of St Colum Cille's cult will be discussed. as will Paisley's more localised promotion of the cult of St Meadhnm. In so doing, it is envisaged that this concluding chapter will emphasise the role played by the reformed monasteries in the creation of the medieval Church in Scotland's 'composite identity,78 and, consequently. the evolution of a distinct Scottish national identity.