Hard workers and big spenders facing the bru: understanding men's employment and consumption in a de-industrialized Scottish village
Abstract
This thesis provides an ethnography of an ex-coal mining village in
central Scotland, concentrating on the meanings that employment and
consumption have for men, and how this is affected by mass unemployment.
A particular example of British working class culture is described,
relying principally on data gathered through participant
observation while living in 'Cauldmoss' for two years, and combining
this with the results of questionnaires, time and money budgets and
semi-structured interviews. These methods are described in Ch. 2.
Ch. 3 provides a general ethnography of the village, outlining its
history and identifying the main social institutions. The significance of social status in the villagers' daily lives is emphasized.
Two conflicting models of stratification are abstracted from the
distinctions that inhabitants make. These distinctions are based
either on 'restricted' (more traditional) values, or on 'unrestricted'
values; though incompatible, the same people often subscribe
to both simultaneously. Since "belonging" to Cauldmoss is found to be
a fundamental source of identity the significance of 'community
feeling' is explored. Gender is introduced as a social division
affecting all areas of social life, frequently on a hierarchical
basis, and it is intrinsic to the interpretation of male employment.
In Ch. 4 both the explicit and implicit meanings attributed to "Work"
are explored, and the differences in values between generations are
described. Essentially employment means time sold in self-sacrifice
for the sake of the family wage; to understand why men discipline
themselves to this unenjoyable activity one has to appreciate the
cultural significance of consumption.
In the first two ethnographic chapters five principal explanatory
variables indigenous to the culture of Cauldmoss are identified:
social status, community belonging, gender, employment and age. Each
of these is expressed through consumption patterns, and each affects
how an individual evaluates commodities. This is shown in Ch. 5 by the
analysis of consumption in terms of culturally ascribed value.
Following Sahlins it is argued that this symbolic value is a more
useful way of understanding expenditure and consumption than to
resort to a supposedly absolute 'use value'. The semiological nature
of commodities implies that their meaning is largely arbitrary; this
helps to explain the dynamic for increased consumption.
A general analysis of consumption is illustrated in Ch. 6 with a
detailed description of the use of one particular commodity: alcohol.
Drinking is central to male culture in Cauldmoss and it can be
understood in terms of the masculinity, adulthood and employment
status conveyed, as well as the male solidarity of the village which
is reproduced in the pubs. Traditional 'restricted' status values are
perpetuated by gregarious ready-spending, while the less constrained
drinking patterns of the young in the trendy pubs of the local town,
and the drinking at home by some Cauldmoss couples, suggest a move
towards 'unrestricted' values.
The cultural criteria by which commodities are valued (as opposed to
supposed 'functional' criteria) are demonstrated by the unemployed's
perspectives towards consumption, analyzed in Ch. 7. Largely because
the unemployed in the village do not see themselves as a distinct
group the cultural values ascribed to goods and jobs change little.
For older men with a strong 'employment ethic' being without work is
the worst aspect o+ unemployment, while for younqer people, who are
more likely to assess social status according to 'unrestricted'
values, unemployment is suffered most acutely through poverty.
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