Lexical conditions on syntactic knowledge: auxiliary selection in native and non-native grammars of Italian
dc.contributor.author
Sorace, Antonella
en
dc.date.accessioned
2018-01-31T11:24:54Z
dc.date.available
2018-01-31T11:24:54Z
dc.date.issued
1993
dc.description.abstract
en
dc.description.abstract
Tnis study has both a theoretical and a methodological dimension. Theoretically, it is
concerned with variation and indeterminacy in linguistic acceptability judgments. Methodologically,
it involves the application of a rigorous procedure for the elicitation of judgment data that is
sensitive to informants' variable or indeterminate intuitions.
en
dc.description.abstract
The theoretical focus is on the linguistic intuitions of native and non-native speakers of Italian
about a number of grammatical phenomena related to the choice between the auxiliaries ESSERE
('be') and AVERE ('have') with non-transitive (unaccusative and unergative) verbs. It is argued that
a purely syntactic account of unaccusativity is insufficient to capture the variation exhibited by
these verbs. In particular, it is claimed that the unmarked selection of ESSERE with unaccusatives
and of AVERE with unergatives in the present perfect tense is sensitive not only to a hierarchy of
syntactic configurations (as assumed by the Government-Binding version of the Unaccusativity
Hypothesis) but also to lexical hierarchies that subdivide the range of unaccusative and unergative
verbs along semantic dimensions. Such hierarchies distinguish 'core', or prototypical, types of
verbs from peripheral ones , and are consistent with the historical evolution of auxiliaries in
Romance. However, auxiliary selection in syntactically marked 'restructuring' constructions,
induced by certain Raising and Control verbs, is not sensitive to these semantic dimensions. It
was predicted that the interaction between syntactic and semantic constraints would give rise to
systematic variability in native speakers' linguistic intuitions, manifested in consistent and
determinate acceptability judgments on core types of verbs, and variable or indeterminate
judgments on peripheral types of verbs. It was also predicted that non-natives would differ from
natives in terms of the extent to which indeterminate judgments penetrated from the periphery to
the core.
en
dc.description.abstract
Methodologically, this study represents the first application of magnitude estimation techniques to
the elicitation of linguistic acceptability judgments. Magnitude estimation makes it possible to
measure variability in acceptability judgments directly, which has the advantage of producing
interval scales that can then be properly analysed by parametric statistics. Other ranking
elicitation procedures produce only ordinal measurements. A systematic comparison between the
judgments obtained by means of magnitude estimation and those obtained by means of a cardsorting
ranking procedure indicates that both native and non-native speakers are able to judge
acceptability via magnitude estimation with at least as much delicacy as via card-sorting. In some
cases, magnitude estimation produces finer-grained distinctions of unacceptability, and reveals
differences between native and near-natives which are not reproduced in the card-sorting task.
en
dc.description.abstract
A series of experiments was conducted addressing the three issues of (a) variability in native
intuitions, (b) progressive development of non-native knowledge, and (c) ultimate attainment at
near-native competence levels. Acceptability judgments were collected from Italian native
speakers and English-speaking learners of Italian at four proficiency levels (beginner,
intermediate, advanced, near-native). A group of French near-native speakers of Italian was also
tested for the purpose of comparison with the English near-natives.
en
dc.description.abstract
The results show that (a) the judgments of native Italians are sensitive to different lexical-semantic
hierarchies of unaccusative and unergative verbs: judgments on the basic syntactic reflexes of
the unergative/unaccusative distinction (auxiliary selection and ne-cliticization) exhibit more or
less determinacy depending on the semantic characterization of individual verbs: however, native
speakers discriminate categorically between possible and impossible, obligatory and optional
auxiliary change under restructuring, irrespective of the semantics of the inducing verb; (b) nonnative
judgments reflect a difference in learnability between lexical-semantic and purely syntactic
distinctions. Lexical-semantic hierarchies affect the development and ultimate shape of non-native
grammars, in that interlanguage representations for core lexical classes are constructed earlier
than those for peripheral classes, with non-native acceptability values gradually approximating the
native values. Peripheral restructuring constructions, however, never become determinate in the
interlanguage grammars of English learners, which are incomplete in this respect even at the nearnative
level. In contrast, French near-native speakers of Italian show evidence of having
constructed determinate, but divergent representations of these syntactic phenomena. It is
argued that such differences in ultimate attainment reflect differences in the overall
representations of unaccusativity in French and English.
en
dc.identifier.uri
http://hdl.handle.net/1842/26955
dc.publisher
The University of Edinburgh
en
dc.relation.ispartof
Annexe Thesis Digitisation Project 2017 Block 15
en
dc.relation.isreferencedby
Already catalogued
en
dc.title
Lexical conditions on syntactic knowledge: auxiliary selection in native and non-native grammars of Italian
en
dc.type
Thesis or Dissertation
en
dc.type.qualificationlevel
Doctoral
en
dc.type.qualificationname
PhD Doctor of Philosophy
en
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